In MAY 1974, Andrey Vadimov, a 15-year-old schoolboy from Dnepropetrovsk, described in his diary a tourist trip of his class to the Western Ukrainian city of Lviv:

We had a great trip! For all of us, it was a trip to the real West. Unlike our city, Lviv is open to foreigners. For example, on the streets of Lviv, we even met American and Canadian tourists who speak English. For the first time in my life, I met foreigners who spoke real English, my favorite language, the language of the Beatles, the Rolling Stones, and Deep Purple. The best moment of our entire trip was the visit of our entire class (secretly from the teachers) to the Lviv black market, where seven members of our tour group, including me and Natasha, a Komsomol ideologist, bought new British records with the rock opera Jesus Christ Superstar from Polish tourists. This is a great success for all of us, as Ian Gilan, a vocalist from Deep Purple, sings in this opera. The Poles also advised us to buy crosses, because we are fans of Gilan, and Gilan plays the role of Christ in opera 1.

A month later, on his return to Dnepropetrovsk, Andrey wrote in his summer diary that neither he nor his friends could find a way out of the city.-

1. Andrey Vadimov's summer diary, Dnepropetrovsk, May 20, 1974 He kept his diary in Russian from May 1970 to September 1977. The main events of the diaries take place during the school holidays.

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write a description of events in opera. They translated all the texts of the arias into Russian and tried to find some information about Jesus Christ in the Soviet atheist literature. In July 1974, Andrey added a new entry to his diary: "Today is an important day for us! Our neighbor Vasya brought an old pre-Revolutionary Bible that he found in his grandmother's room, and we all read the gospels together and compared the bible text with the text of the opera." Andrey's friends spent the whole of August 1974 reading religious texts and listening to their favorite rock opera. Driven by curiosity and inspired by their favorite music, they decided to attend a meeting of a group of local Baptists, of which Vasya's grandmother was also a member. During 1974 and 1975. Andrey and five of his friends regularly attended this meeting. They were soon arrested in December 1975 by the police for participating in "unauthorized" religious gatherings. It turned out that these Baptists were not officially registered with the authorities. Only the intervention of Andrey's parents saved him and his friends from the scandal. Other contemporaries of the events also noted a surge of similar interest in religion among many young fans of the rock opera "Jesus Christ Superstar "in the early 1970s.2 Similar cases of" Jesusomania " among fans of rock music coincided with the increased activity of new Protestant and Orthodox leaders who tried to attract young people to the churches of Dnepropetrovsk.

The police noted that both the "cult of Jesus Christ the Superstar" and "unhealthy religiosity" among local Komsomol members were associated with the appearance of certain products of Western mass culture that reached Dnepropetrovsk through the Lviv black market. Local KGB officials expressed concern about the "increase in the behavior of local youth (compared to the period before 1967) of religious manifestations, such as reading religious literature, including the Bible, listening to foreign religious radio programs, distributing tape recordings of religious sermons and music, collecting

2. Andrey Vadimov's summer diary, Dnepropetrovsk, July 15, 1974; interview with Vitaly Podgaetsky, Faculty of History, Dnepropetrovsk University, February 10, 1996; interview with Mikhail Suvorov, Dnepropetrovsk, June 1, 1991; interview with Andrey Vadimov, Dnepropetrovsk, July 20-21, 2003; interview with Eduard Svichar Vatutino, Cherkasy region, Ukraine, June 8, 2004

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objects of religious worship". KGB officers called all this " consumption of products of religious culture." They also complained that there were "Western influences" in religious rituals among Evangelical Christians and Orthodox Christians, which attracted more and more local youth.3 During the 1970s, KGB officials noted an increase in Gospel readings among schoolchildren and students of local universities. Police also arrested some of them for selling crosses and icons at local markets. Even local tourists were involved in such consumption of "religious objects". During their trips abroad, they bought Bibles, Orthodox crosses and icons and brought them to Dnepropetrovsk. According to KGB reports, 90% of all crimes committed during foreign trips were motivated by "unhealthy religiosity" .4
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the leaders of the Dnepropetrovsk KGB constantly reminded local party ideologues of the need to protect the "Soviet way of life" from the dangerous influences of religion and Western mass culture.5 This was especially important for the city of Dnepropetrovsk, which was of strategic importance for the Soviet military-industrial complex. In 1959, the city was closed to foreign visitors by the KGB, as it had been home to Yuzhmash, the largest Soviet factory for the production of military missiles, since 1951. [6] At the same time, this Soviet "closed" city was known as the birthplace of the country's ruling "Brezhnev clan". He constantly played an important role in the political life of not only Moscow, but also Ukraine. On the eve of perestroika, more than 53% of all politicians in Kiev were from Dnepropetrovsk. By 1996, 80% of all post-Soviet politicians in Ukraine were somehow connected with this city. The overwhelming majority of representatives of the so-called

3. Державний архів Дніпропетровської області (далее - ДАДО). Ф. 19. Оп. 52. Д. 72. Л. 1-18.

4. DADO. F. 22. Op. 24. D. 141. L. 11; F. 1860. Op. 1. D. 1248. L. 57; D-1532. L. 68; D. 2278. L. 122.

5. See also KGB reports on this in DADO. f. 19. Op. 52. D. 72. l. 1-18.

6. The name comes from the Southern Machine-building Plant, which sounds like just "Yuzhmash" (abbreviated in Russian). For the concept of "closed" cities, see: Zhuk S. Closing and Opening Soviet Society (Introduction to the Forum "Closed City, Closed Economy, Closed Society: The Utopian Normalization of Autarky")//Ab Imperio. 2011. N 2. P. 123 - 158.

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The "Dnepropetrovsk families", including Yulia Tymoshenko, began their careers in the period of late socialism at the enterprises of the military-industrial complex of this closed city.7
Among the mostly Russian-speaking population of this large industrial city (which increased from 917074 people in 1970 to 1191971 people in 1989), young people predominated .8 The region's rapid industrial growth, high earnings, and improved housing conditions attracted young people from other regions of the Soviet Union to Dnepropetrovsk. Since the 1950s, the majority of the population of Dnepropetrovsk was made up of young people under the age of 30, representing the main nationalities of the USSR. By 1979, Dnepropetrovsk was becoming a "millionaire city" with 1,066,000 inhabitants. By the beginning of 1985, more than 1153400 people already lived in the city.9 Three major ethnic groups formed the entire cultural development of the Dnipropetrovsk region: Ukrainians, Russians, and Jews. By 1985, more than a third of the city's population was ethnic Russian (more than 60% were Ukrainian). And if we add 32% of Russian-speaking Jews and more than 33% of Ukrainians who considered Russian their native language, it turns out that more than 65% of the entire population of the city associated themselves with Russian, and not with Ukrainian culture.10
This essay examines the relationship between the consumption of popular culture items and religious practices of the population of Dnepropetrovsk after 1960. Since Dnepropetrovsk was a closed city, it can be considered as a unique Soviet socio-cultural laboratory, where various practices of late socialism encountered new influences of Western culture on a daily basis. Using archival documents, up-to-date periodicals, personal diaries, and interviews with contemporaries of the events of 11, I analyze how consumption

7. Dnipropetrovsk vs. Security Service. Ed. by Vyacheslav Pikhovshek et al. Kyiv: Ukrains'kyi nezalezhnyi tsentr politychnykh doslidzhen', 1996. P. 8.

8. Goskomstat SSSR. Dnipropetrovsk Regional Department of Statistics. Population of the Dnipropetrovsk region according to the All-Union Population Census of 1989 Dnepropetrovsk, 1991, p. 4.

9. Central Statistical Office of the Dnipropetrovsk region. Dnipropetrovsk region in numbers. (To the 40th anniversary of the victory in the Great Patriotic War). Editor-in-chief L. G. Glushkin. Dnepropetrovsk, 1985. p. 10, 11.

10. Population of the Dnipropetrovsk region according to the All-Union Population Census of 1989. 100, 102, 106, 108, 119, 122.

11. From 1990 to 2007, I inteviewed more than 200 people. Most of them are people with higher education, engineers, teachers, and former Soviet soldiers.

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The spread of Western pop culture among the youth of Dnepropetrovsk stimulated their interest in religion and contributed to the growth of everyday religiosity and various forms of religious identity among young people.

Modern research on post-Stalinist socialism in the USSR examines various forms of production and consumption of cultural objects, as well as their interaction with ideology and politics. However, the vast majority of research by authors such as Svetlana Boym, Hilary Pilkington, Thomas Cushman, Alexey Yurchak, and William Risch is based on material from Westernized "open" Soviet cities (Moscow, Leningrad, and Lviv) that were exposed to all sorts of influences from visiting foreign tourists and journalists.12 Unfortunately, the best studies of pop music in the USSR are usually limited to analyzing the production of this very music by well-known Soviet and post-Soviet rock bands, mainly in metropolitan cities, and ignore the daily consumption of it by non-musicians in provincial cities of the Soviet Union.13 As a result, the history of consumption of Western cultural items, including music, in the "closed" Soviet provincial cities is practically not studied. This leads to a distortion of the overall picture of employees aged 30 to 60 years, living mainly in the Dnipropetrovsk region and Kiev.

12. The first studies on Soviet consumption of cultural objects are based mainly on material from Moscow and Leningrad. See, for example, Boym S. Common Places: Mythologies of Everyday Life in Russia. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994; Pilkington H. Russia's Youth and Its Culture: A Nation's Constructors and Constructed. London: Routledge, 1994; Cushman Th. Notes from Underground: Rock Music Counterculture in Russia. New York: State University of New York Press, 1995; Yurchak A. Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More: The Last Soviet Generation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005. See also a study based on material from Lviv: Risch W. J. Soviet 'Flower Children': Hippies and the Youth Counter-Culture in the 1970s Lviv/ / Journal of Contemporary History. July 2005. Vol. 40. No. 3. P. 565 - 584; Ibid. The Ukrainian West: Culture and the Fate of Empire in Soviet Lviv. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2011.

Starr S.F. 13. Red and Hot: The Fate of Jazz in the Soviet Union 1917 - 1980. New York: Limelight Editions, 1985; Troitsky A. Back in the USSR: The True Story of Rock in Russia. London: Omnibus Press, 1987; Ryback T. W. Rock Around the Bloc: A History of Rock Music in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. New York: Oxford University Press, 1991; Stites R. Russian Popular Culture: Entertainment and Society Since 1900. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992; Rocking the State: Rock Music and Politics in Eastern Europe and Russia. Ed. by Sabrina Petra Ramet. Boulder: Westview Press, 1994.

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This essay is an attempt to eliminate this imbalance by exploring the interaction of political and cultural practices in Dnepropetrovsk, which can be considered as a micro-model for analyzing the entire closed Soviet society.

This essay uses the research approaches of British cultural studies to the links between cultural consumption and identity. According to one of the pioneers of cultural research in the UK, John Stowry, "it is very important to include the concept of cultural consumption in the scientific discussion of the nature of identity, since people's identities are always formed by their everyday acts of interaction in the process of various forms of consumption" 15. As Maden Sarap has pointed out, "our identities are part of what we consume." 16 According to British scholars, " The human Self is never purely the product of some external symbolic system, nor is it a fixed concept that the individual can immediately and directly recognize; rather, it is the human Self that is a kind of symbolic project that an individual actively builds from the symbolic materials available to him or her, materials that are woven by this individual into a coherent story about who he or she is, into the narrative of his or her own identity"17. These ideas ultimately led to the creation of the new British school-

14. Compare: Looking West? Cultural Globalization and Russian Youth Cultures. Edited by Hilary Pilkington, Elena Omel'chenko et al. University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002, and E. Omelchenko. Youth: An open question. Ulyanovsk: Simbirsk Book Publ., 2004.

Storey J. 15. Cultural Consumption and Everyday Life. London: Oxford University Press, 1998. P. 135, 136.

16. And he goes on: "Or to put it another way, what we consume and how we consume says a lot about who we are, who we want to be, and how other people see us. Cultural consumption is perhaps one of the most important ways in which we express our ideas about our own selves. This, of course, does not mean that we are what we consume, or that the practices of our cultural consumption determine our social existence; but it does mean that what we consume provides us with a scenario according to which we unfold and present in various ways the drama of what we really are in fact, we are". Sarup M. Identity, Culture and the Post Modern World. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1996. P. 105, 125-

Thompson J B. 17. The Media and Modernity: A Social Theory of the Media. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. P. 207, 210.

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The Center for Russian-Soviet Cultural Studies, whose representatives, such as Hilary Pilkington and Catriona Kelly, began to study the interaction of globalization, cultural consumption, and local youth cultures in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia.18
During Perestroika and after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukrainian and Western scholars explored various aspects of Ukrainian history, politics,and culture during the transition from late socialism to independence. 19 But what is missing from the current literature is a concrete historical study of cultural consumption and identities in Dnepropetrovsk, one of the most influential cities in the history of Soviet and post-Soviet Ukraine.20 Although there are few reviews of the persecution of religion in the U.S.S.R. 21, modern historiography does not yet have specific research on religious practices and cultural consumption in such Soviet "closed" cities as Dnepropetrovsk.

Pilkington H. 18. The Future is Ours: Youth Culture in Russia, 1953 to the Present//Russian Cultural Studies: An Introduction. Ed. by Catriona Kelly and David Shepherd. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. P. 371.

19. For more information, see: Yekelchyk S. Ukraine: Birth of a Modern Nation. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. P. 250 - 256, 262 - 264.

20. These are mainly studies about Lviv, Donetsk and Kharkiv: Sabic C., Zimmer K. Ukraine: the Genesis of a Captured State//The Making of Regions in Post-Socialist Europe - the Impact of Culture, Economic Structure and Institutions. Case Studies from Poland, Hungary, Romania and Ukraine. Ed. by Melanie Tatur. Wiesbaden, 2004. Vol. 2. P. 107 - 354; Wanner C. Communities of the Converted: Ukrainians and Global Evangelism. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2007. The first attempt at such research is this recent book of mine: Zhuk S. Rock and Roll in the Rocket City: The West, Identity, and Ideology in Soviet Dniepropetrovsk, 1960 - 1985. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press & Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2010.

Pospielovsky D. 21. The Russian Church under the Soviet Regime, 1917 - 1982. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1984. Vol. 2; idem. A History of Soviet Atheism in Theory and Practice, and the Believer. Vol. 1: A History of Marxist-Leninist Atheism and Soviet Antireligious Policies, Vol. 2: Soviet Antireligious Campaigns and Persecutions, Vol. 3: Soviet Studies on the Church and the Believer's Response to Atheism. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987 - 88; Sawatsky W. Soviet Evangelicals Since World War II. Scottdale, Pa., 1981; Markus V. Religion and Nationalism in Ukraine//Religion and Nationalism in Soviet and East European Politics. Ed. by Pedro Ramet. Durham: Duke Press Policy Studies, 1984. P. 59 - 81; Knox Z. Russian Society and the Orthodox Church: Religion in Russia after Communism. London: Routledge Curzon, 2004; Savinsky S. History of Evangelical Christians-Baptists of Ukraine, Russia, Belarus. Part II (1917-1967). St. Petersburg: Bible for All, 2001.

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KGB and "modernization of religion"

After the" closure " of Dnepropetrovsk in 1959, the local KGB intensified its work against organized religion in the region. The KGB was supposed to protect the city's military-industrial complex from possible "ideological provocations by anti-Soviet propaganda centers," including centers of organized religion. According to the KGB, by 1964, more than 3% of the total population of the region were members of various religious groups.22
According to the KGB, the rise in everyday religiosity was the result of anti-religious campaigns by overdone local ideologues and Soviet officials, who closed most of the church premises in the region. As a result of these campaigns, by 1967 They banned 203 out of 300 religious groups. 23 In 1963-64, KGB representatives complained to the regional party committee: the forced closure of houses of worship and churches provoked "anti-Soviet actions by sectarian preachers and Orthodox priests." In conclusion, the KGB officers noted that the anti-religious "illegal" measures taken by the regional administration "to close religious buildings led to a sharp increase in the number of Christian believers in the region." 24 KGB reports pointed out that in the areas where Orthodox churches were closed, the number of believers did not decrease at all. Moreover, Orthodox youth became members of Christian sects (especially Pentecostals) that were located in the neighborhood. In some places, anti-religious measures have produced the opposite results - an unprecedented increase in new religious groups, especially unregistered ones.25
According to the KGB reports, the main problem was the new tactics of various churches to attract local youth to the church.-

22. DADO. F. 9870. Op. 1. D. 48. L. 19-go. According to the KGB, 35 priests served in 31 Orthodox churches in the region with 82 monks and thousands of active parishioners. At the same time, the authorities registered 38 communities with 5,000 Evangelical Baptists, 105 Adventists, 88 Old Believers and 64 Catholics in the region. Illegal (unregistered) congregations included 77 Jehovah's Witnesses, 1,197 Pentecostals, 30 Seventh-day Adventists, 80 underground Orthodox Christians, 80 Baptists, and 37 St. Johnite sectarians.

23. DADO. F. 6465. Op. 2. D. 2. L. 15.

24. Ibid. F. 9870. Op. 1. D. 48. L. 28.

25. Ibid., l. 24. From 1963 to 1967, almost 40% of former Orthodox believers joined various groups of evangelicals. Most of them were people under 40 years of age.

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a means of what the reports called "modernizing religion"26. KGB officials were surprised at how effectively various religious groups were using all sorts of new technical means, including radios, musical instruments, turntables, and tape recorders. The most active and successful missionaries were local Pentecostals and Baptists.

"Pentecostal leaders," the KGB officer noted in his report, " advised sectarians to buy tape recorders to record the contents of their religious ceremonies, and then, in the absence of preachers, they could organize their own prayers using these recordings of old prayer meetings. Following these tips, all Dnepropetrovsk sectarians immediately began to buy tape recorders"27. The administration of the shops reported to the police that local sectarians bought a large number of items necessary for tape recording: tape recorders, microphones and the latest models of Soviet tape recorders. All of this still cost a lot of money, but Pentecostals continued to buy more of this equipment than non-religious consumers during 1962-65. As contemporaries noted, these sectarians were real enthusiasts of recording technologies, inviting young sound engineers and paying for their work, using various advanced recording technologies (including Western ones) in their religious practices and ceremonies.28 During 1964-67. more than half of all new tape recorders in the region were purchased by members of various religious groups.29 It is important to note that in the 1960s and 1970s, Soviet sectarians, who were always associated in Communist propaganda with out-of-date behavior, abandonment of technology, etc., were suddenly presented in KGB reports as the most active participants in Soviet cultural consumerism. 30
26. Ibid. f. 19. Op. 52. D. 72. L. 1-18.

27. DADO. F. 9870. Op. 1. D. 48. L. 22.

28. Ibid., l. 28; interview with Eduard Svichar, Vatutino, Cherkasy region, June 10, 2002.

29. On KGB data based on store statistics: Ibid. F. 19. Op. 52. D. 72. L. 15-18; interview with Igor T., retired KGB officer, Dnepropetrovsk, May 15, 1991.

30. Many contemporaries have confirmed this. Compare with the interview with Vitaly Podgaetsky in 1996.

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The creation of an" initiative group "among Soviet Baptists in August 1961 led not only to a split in the local congregations of evangelical Baptist Christians, but also created new incentives for intensive" religious " consumption in the Dnipropetrovsk region31. Local "initiators" were particularly distinguished in the use of new technologies in their religious practices. For example, in 1972, one of the schismatic Baptists, Mykola Yarko, used a portable tape recorder to play back recordings of religious sermons in the cars of electric trains connecting Dnepropetrovsk with other settlements in the region. According to police reports, Yarko used recordings of foreign religious radio programs and even included fragments of popular Beatles music in his recordings to attract the attention of young commuters. Soviet officials, reporting on such innovations, were surprised at how effectively religious sectarians used the latest technologies.32
The Traditionalist Baptists also changed their strategy, using the methods of the"schismatic" Baptists. Thus, the new head of Baptists of the Dnipropetrovsk region, Venedikt Galenko, began using "modern" music, guitar ensembles and youth choirs to attract new visitors to Baptist prayer meetings. For this purpose, he organized a special festive dinner on New Year's Eve, 1973, with a religious concert and a special listening session to tape recordings of foreign religious radio programs. Galenko also invited other evangelical Christians, including "initiators", to this dinner. Loud music and a free lunch that included sausages, cheese, rolls, lemonade, tea, candy, and more attracted a large number of young people to this prayer meeting. The Soviet administration complained about the new methods of religious propaganda of Baptists in Dnepropetrovsk. Soviet officials reminded Galenko that "these methods were highly undesirable, since they included elements of Western modernization." 33 After a long conversation, the authorities sent Galenko a special order dated June 22, 1973

31. For the creation of an "initiative" group, see: Savinsky S. Op. cit. pp. 208-235; Sawatsky W. Op. cit. P. 157-199; Wanner C. Communities of the Converted. P. 63-89.

32. DADO. F. 6465. Op. 2. D. 2. L. 174-175.

33. DADO. F. 6465. Op. 2. D. 4. L. 4.

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This year's resolution demands "to stop turning houses of worship into special cafes and prohibit the organization of special musical evenings with dinners and concerts." According to this order, the leadership of the city Baptist community was to remove all radio, music and recording equipment from the houses of worship and remove sound amplifiers, musical instruments, benches and other concert equipment from the yards of the houses of worship. In Dnepropetrovsk, all religious concerts were banned, and children were not allowed to attend religious gatherings.34 But the Soviet administration was unable to stop the "Western modernization" that had begun among evangelical Christians in the Dnipropetrovsk region. Despite police harassment, evangelical churches were undergoing modernization and radicalized under the influence of young "initiators". These young Baptists became active participants in a special theatrical event "Resurrection", which took place in 1976 in the Baptist churches of the region. Young people aged 25 or less accounted for 25% of all Evangelical Christians during the 1970s. 35

In 1968, KGB officers reported that Christians in the region were constantly listening to foreign radio stations. As it turned out, more than 500 Baptists arranged an open listening session to a Western radio program about religion. After that, three hundred of them tried to establish correspondence with Western religious centers and their radio stations. The KGB was concerned that these same Baptists had written letters to the World Council of Churches and the UN complaining about the constant harassment of the regional authorities. According to the KGB, the police established the existence of illegal 9 groups of Schismatic Baptists (500 people), 8 groups of Pentecostals (600 people) and 5 small groups of Jehovah's Witnesses (30 members)in the region during 196836.

In 1967-68, the police also reported an increase in the Jewish religion in the region. In one city synagogue in Dnepropetrovsk, there was an increase in visitors: from 35-50 people on weekdays and 250 on Saturdays - up to 3000 people during major religious holidays.37 At the end of May 1968, there were 8 students of the 8th grade.

34. Ibid. l. 33-34.

35. DADO. F. 6465. Op. 2. D. 15. L. 42, 72, 75, 98 - 99.

36. Ibid. f. 19. Op. 52. D. 72. L. 13-14.

37. Ibid. F. 6465. Op. 2. d. 2. L. 19-20.

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and 9-year-olds from two schools in Dnepropetrovsk, who studied the Jewish religion at the synagogue, formed the "Israeli National Democratic Party". These students planned to distribute leaflets "justifying Israel's aggression and expansion in the Middle East", and then they prepared radio equipment to illegally broadcast "true news about Israel" on the radio to residents of the Dnipropetrovsk region, who were constantly "deceived by official Soviet propaganda" about the state of the Jewish religion and state.38
In the same period, the KGB noted an increase in the influence of the Orthodox Church. Young married couples of Komsomol members still used Christian rites of baptism for their newborn children. Prominent members of the Communist Party baptized their children in Christian churches. Some local university students even entered the theological seminaries of the Orthodox Church. The KGB attributed the growing popularity of the Orthodox Church to the new leadership of the Dnepropetrovsk diocese, including its new and very ambitious head, Bishop Anthony of Simferopol and Crimea (whose civil name was Onufriy Vicar). In 1970, 34% of all newborns in the region were baptized in the Orthodox Church, and 42% of all funerals were performed according to Orthodox rites. The police reported that by the end of 1976 there were 73,000 believers in the region who actively supported the Orthodox Church. 39 The KGB continued to blame the new leadership of the regional diocese for the increase in religious activity at the turn of the 1960s and 1970s.

In the 1970s, the Soviet government organized a voluntary collection of money from the population to the so-called Soviet Peace Fund. All secular and religious associations had to collect money from their members for the benefit of this fund. In fact, the Soviet government also used this fund for military purposes. Bishop Anthony understood all this perfectly and tried to prevent the collection of money for this fund in his diocese. Moreover, he strongly encouraged the strengthening of religious activity among the priests of the region. At the same time, he

38. DADO. F. 1 9. Op. 5 2. D. 72. L. 7, 14.

39. DADO. F. 6465. Op. 2. d. 4. L. 190; D. 18. L. 132; F. 6464. Op. 2. D. 3. L. 20 (data for 1972); L. 49 Delivered for 1973); F. 6465. Op. 2. D. 6. L. 32 (data for 1974); L. 88 (data for 1975); F. 6465. Op. 2. D. 9. L. 49 (data for 1976). The Orthodox Church had 25 religious buildings for 25 Orthodox communities with 44 priests and 160-170 service personnel in the 1970s.

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He openly stated that the Orthodox Church should reduce its contributions to the Soviet Peace Fund and instead allocate additional funds to improve missionary work among local youth.40 In 1971, Anthony tried to replace all the Orthodox church workers in his diocese who had served in the KGB with new, honest religious activists. He immediately rejected candidates for various diocesan positions if they were openly recommended by the Soviet administration for this job, and also when he learned that they were cooperating with the KGB. Anthony also tried to restore the leading position of the Orthodox Church among the faithful Christians of the region. He organized a special missionary campaign against Protestant sects and invited young members of these sects to convert to Orthodoxy. Anthony even promoted the career growth in the Church of those young talented sectarians who converted to Orthodoxy. As a result of all his efforts, by 1970 the prestige of the Orthodox Church in the region had grown. Moreover, he organized the purchase of new musical and technical equipment for the needs of the local Orthodox Church. KGB officers immediately called it "the modernization of religion" and launched a massive campaign to discredit the bishop, as a result of which Anthony was transferred to another diocese in April 1973. 41
Religion and Rock Music: from Beat Music to Hard Rock

During the 1960s and 70s, the Soviet regional administration and KGB officers complained not only about the growth and modernization of religion, but also about the significant consumption of Western mass culture items, including rock music. To my surprise

40." This is not a fund for peace, but a fund for preparing for war, "Anthony said in his sermons," We must think about spreading the message of Christ among the common people. To this end, we must strengthen our missionary activities and direct all our material resources to support such activities. So let's use our money for these purposes, rather than throwing it away to a certain Peace Fund, which has nothing to do with the world. " Cit. by: DADO. f. 19. Op. 52. D. 72. L. 29-32.

41. DADO. F. 6465. Op. 2. d. 2. L. 119-122, 240; F. 6465. Op. 2. D. 4. L. 14-18. In a letter dated April 13, 1973, sent to the Council of Ministers of the USSR, local Soviet leaders supported the KGB's recommendations to move Anthony from the Dnepropetrovsk diocese "because of his refusal to cooperate with the Soviet administration of the Dnepropetrovsk region and his attempts to modernize the church."

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local police were confronted with the fact that this consumption of rock music was again linked to religion. According to KGB documents, it all started with "beatlemania" in late autumn 1964, when engineers of a local rocket factory brought to Dnepropetrovsk the first records of the English Beatles ensemble, which they purchased on the black market of Lviv.42
As contemporaries have pointed out, it was the popularity of the Beatles ' music, especially George Harrison's songs, that helped link Western pop music and religion. All Beatles fans knew about Harrison's interest in Indian culture and religion. "When we heard Harrison's experiments with the sitar and other Indian musical instruments in Beatle songs like Norwegian Wood or Within You Without You," recalled one beat fan, " we decided to gather information about the Indian roots of Beatle music, and to our surprise, we discovered a huge wealth of information all sorts of Eastern religions, including Hinduism, Krishnaism, and Buddhism, which inspired our idol, George Harrison. " 43
Between 1968 and 1970, local teachers constantly complained that high school students read popular books on the history of Indian religion during school breaks and constantly drew "symbols of Eastern mystical religions" in their notebooks. According to the teachers ' reports, all these enthusiasts of the Indian religion were Beatlemans, i.e., fans of the Beatles.44 Librarians complained that these beatlemites constantly cut out pages of the Komsomol magazine Rovesnik with any information about the Beatles, as well as pages of books about Indian history and religion.45 The police also linked this growing interest in-

42. DADO. F. 19. Op. 60. D. 85. L. 7, 17.

43. This phrase is from an interview with Vitaly Podgaetsky, February 10, 1996.

44. Interview with Evgeny Prudchenko and Galina Smolenskaya, Central Library of the Dnipropetrovsk region, July 18, 2007.

45. In the December 1968 issue, Rovesnik included the words and notes to the Beatles song " Night After a Hard Day." During the school holidays in January 1969, young fans of beat music cut out the pages of the magazine with the lyrics of this song in the reading rooms of two central libraries of the region - the city and regional libraries of Dnepropetrovsk. The same thing happened in 1969 and 1970, when Rovesnik published the lyrics and sheet music of numerous Beatles songs, such as" Lady Madonna"," Yesterday"," Girl "and" Back to the USSR", as well as John Lennon's"Give Peace a Chance". Some of these issues of "Rovesnik" simply disappeared from libraries, they were stolen by Beatles fans. Even the main Soviet one

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res to eastern religions with the Soviet hippie movement. In May 1970, ten young hippies were arrested in central Dnepropetrovsk for shouting "Hare Krishna!" and for "publicly displaying symbols of the Buddhist religion." The police hoped that these arrests would stop the "hooligan" demonstrations of "Soviet Hindus and Buddhists" .46
At the same time, some old Beatles fans continued to seriously study Indian philosophy and religion. "I tried to find out," wrote fifteen - year - old Vladimir Solodovnik in his diary in June 1971, "the meaning of the strange phrase' Guru Deiva Om ' in the song Across the Universe from the album Let It Be; I read everything I could in our school library about the Indian religion, and I found more than I expected"47. As a result, Solodovnik and his friends regularly began reading literature about Krishnaism during the 1970s. Two of his classmates became serious followers of Krishna by the early 1980s. During 1972-1982. they, along with other "Hare Krishnas" from the closed city, visited neighboring cities that were open to foreigners. There they met tourists and students from India, established contacts with these Indian guests, who began to provide them with new information about the Indian religion. During perestroika, some of the old Beatles fans in Dnepropetrovsk joined Buddhist and Hare Krishna religious groups. They still remember how the Beatles ' music aroused their interest in such exotic religions for Ukraine as Krishnaism48.

The popularity of the Beatles sparked interest in other forms of rock music.49 As a result, by 1968, it was the Anglo-American

The library (named after Lenin) in Moscow suffered from vandalism by Beatles fans, who in the 1970s carefully cut out portraits of their idols from the issues of Rovesnik. My mother, who worked as a manager. in the reading room of the Vatutinskaya City Library in Cherkasy region, she recalled a similar situation with youth magazines, from which images of the Beatles were cut out.

46. DADO. F. 19. Op. 60. D. 85. L. 7, 17.

47. Summer diary of Vladimir Solodovnik, June 12, 1971

48. Interview with Anatoly T., a member of the Dnepropetrovsk Hare Krishna Community, July 20, 2005, and Vladimir Solodovnik, June 21, 1991; both in Dnepropetrovsk.

49. According to contemporaries, such stars of American rock music as Elvis Presley and Bob Dylan were never popular among provincial Soviet rock fans. Few and poor quality recordings of these

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rock ' n ' roll and beat music are becoming the most desirable object of consumption among the majority of Dnepropetrovsk youth. Since the late 1950s, the Soviet administration has introduced a new service called "music recording studio" for local consumers in the "homes of everyday life". This service included recording greeting cards with a set of popular song soundtracks on a small flexible vinyl record. Anyone could order such a service for a fairly high fee at first - 2 rubles. In 1965, 90% of all musical postcards in Dnepropetrovsk included popular songs by Soviet composers, and only less than 10% of such postcards had recordings of Western songs, mainly French and Italian. In 1970, more than 90% of these postcards came out with recordings of Western rock and beat music, mostly Beatles and Rolling Stones songs. In April 1970, Zinaida Sumina, a representative of the Dnipropetrovsk City Council, complained about these statistics:

We are not against consumption. But it should be cultural consumption. Take a look at our recording department at home of everyday life and what our moldezh consumes there in the form of "music". They record Vysotsky songs [10%] and Beatles music [90%]. Where is cultural consumption here? You won't see our young people recording classical music by Tchaikovsky or Glinka. They still prefer dancing to their boogie-woogie songs to classical music concerts.50
According to orders from city recording studios during 1968 - 1970, the most popular were mainly European rock musicians: The Beatles, Animals, Rolling Stones, etc. Only a few American musicians entered the Dnepropetrovsk music market by the end of the 1960s.;

the musicians reached the Soviet province after beatlemania. In addition, they could not appreciate the charm of Dylan's poetry, because they did not know English. See an entry from the summer diary of Vladimir Solodovnik, August 16, 1966. Dnepropetrovsk musicians never performed Bob Dylan's "boring and slow music". Both they and their listeners preferred the" more energetic and catchy " American music of Doors and Credence Clearwater Revive. Cf. with a similar reaction from Muscovites in: Nadelson R. Comrade Rockstar: The Life and Mystery of Dean Reed, the All-American Boy Who Brought Rock'n'ROLL to the Soviet Union. New York: Walker, 1991. P. 81.

50. See the full report of Sumina in: DADO. F. 416. Op. 2. D. 1565. l. 306-307.

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the most popular were Doors and Creedence Clearwater Revival51.

The last of these American ensembles, called simply Credence, sparked interest in folk rock among local amateur bands. The idea of a Soviet Ukrainian folk music group performing a folk song was strongly supported by Soviet ideologists as an alternative to "Western mass culture". As a result, this interest led to the creation of local rock bands that included Ukrainian folk elements in their musical material. But, as KGB officers discovered, some of these groups performed Ukrainian folk songs with religious content, "popularizing Christian images and symbols." As some old folk-rock musicians recalled, their experiments with Ukrainian religious folklore led them to " discover the religious past of Ukraine." Despite repeated efforts by the KGB to ban the performance of Christian folk songs at concerts, the Dneprans, a folk ensemble of the University of Dnepropetrovsk, continued to perform these songs during a tourist trip to England in October 1981. KGB officers complained that these rock musicians always performed "Ukrainian nationalist songs with Christian lyrics" .52
The period of popularity of Anglo-American beat music from 1964 to 1969 in the big cities of Soviet Ukraine, such as Dnepropetrovsk, was a time of elite consumption of this music, when mainly representatives of the ruling Soviet elite, party and Soviet officials, highly paid engineers of special enterprises and university professors - the so-called "Soviet middle class" 53-could afford to buy foreign records

51. Interviews with Vitaly Podgaetsky, Mikhail Suvorov, Andrey Vadimov and Eduard Svichar.

52. This folk ensemble from DSU was the most popular collective that combined rock music and folklore. About the career of this collective and folk religious songs in its repertoire, see the local Komsomol periodical: Klimenko K. Tsaruvshi melodies to folklore//Prapor yunosti, February 1, 1982, p. 41. Lystopad Yu. Dnipro residents on the banks of the Seine//In the same place. February 17, 1983 p. 4. About the ensemble's trip to England on October 2, 1981 on the ticket of the Komsomol tourist office "Sputnik", see: DADO. F. 22. Op. 30 (1981). D. 85.L. 57-62.

53. Many of the contemporaries I interviewed, including Suvorov, Vadimov, and Svichar, referred to this social group as the Soviet middle class.

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and tape recordings of rock music. Even the Dnepropetrovsk fans of Jimi Hendrix and the few hippies who appeared in the city center in 1968 and 1969 represented the families of the local ruling elite. Police arrested at least forty individuals who identified themselves as "hippies" who tried to emulate the lifestyle of their American counterparts. According to contemporaries and participants in the events, local imitators followed the information about the Western "hippie" movement published in the December 1967 issue of Rovesnik magazine. According to police reports, Dnepropetrovsk hippies displayed various religious symbols in public places, such as Christian crosses, icons and "images of Krishna and Buddha" .54
Some of these local hippies were the children of KGB officers, one was the son of a regional party secretary, two were the children of a regional prosecutor, and the rest were the children of respected city doctors and local university professors. After long conversations between hippie parents and KGB agents, by the spring of 1972, the main Karl Marx avenue in the city was completely cleared of local "hippies" and farcists.55 True, the fashion associated with the traditions of hippies has survived. During the 1970s, most young Soviet rock music consumers tried to emulate the "hippie style", elements of which included having long hair, a pair of flared American jeans, a western T-shirt, a leather jacket, and platform shoes. This style was so associated with the hippie image that often young Western fashion enthusiasts called the combination of American jeans and long hair simply "hippie". By the end of the seventies, this style became popular among millions of Soviet consumers, so many people forgot about the "hippist"ones

54. Everyone mentioned the article: Ustimenko Yu. People with and without flowers//Rovesnik. 1967. N 12. p. 10-11. About Moscow hippies, see also: Makarevich A. "The Sheep Itself": autobiographical prose. Moscow: Zakharov, 2007. pp. 121-124. One of the participants in the events of 1970, a student of DSU, recalled that at least 10 Dnepropetrovsk hippies demonstrated symbols of Krishnaism and Buddhism. From an interview with Anatoly T., a member of the Dnepropetrovsk Hare Krishna community, July 1, 2005, Dnepropetrovsk. Wed. with police reports in: DADO. F. 19. Op. 60. D. 85. L. 7, 17.

55. Interview with Mikhail Suvorov, June 1, 1991 Wed. with a rather idealistic description of hippies in Lviv in Risch W. J. Soviet 'Flower Children'. Most of them were children of the Soviet elite. They are also described in interviews with Eduard Svichar, Natalia Vasilenko, July 19, 2007, and Vladimir Donets, July 19, 2007, Dnepropetrovsk.

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the roots of jeans fashion. The consumption of jeans has become part of the daily life of not only young rock music enthusiasts, but also quite respectable middle-aged people, including representatives of the Soviet elite. 56
Local ideologues tried in every possible way to stop the "unhealthy consumption" of rock music products among the youth of the Dnipropetrovsk region. Nevertheless, the black market survived and resumed its activity at the end of 1972 in various places of the city. During 1971-1974, the musical tastes and composition of consumers of new music changed. Now they represented not only the urban elite, but also the middle class and especially the working class of young citizens. Since that time, along with university students, more and more people from working-class families, students of vocational schools, joined the growing "army" of fans of this new loud and aggressive music, which began to be called hard rock in the 1970s and heavy metal in the 1980s. 57 By the mid-1970s, the main centers of the music industry were located in the middle of the As a result of the democratization of music consumption among local youth, they moved from the traditionally elite and limited forms of black market trading in the city center to places where the vast majority of consumers of new music lived - in the dormitories of universities, technical schools and vocational schools. Tape recordings were now distributed much faster among the residents of various student dormitories than among individual consumers of new music who lived in urban apartments.58
"Jesus Christ Superstar" and everyday religiosity

The democratization of rock music consumption began with the so-called "hard rock mania". Sometimes co-parents called this phenomenon "perplemania", since Bree's musical output-

56. Interview with Vladimir Sadovym, March 10, 1992, and Sergey Pulin, April 12, 1992, Dnepropetrovsk. Compare with the Moscow development of events in: Kozlov A. Jazz, rock and copper pipes. Moscow: EKSMO, 2005. pp. 257-260.

57. Compare parallel phenomena in the USA in: Straw W. Characterizing Rock Music Culture: The Case of Heavy Metal//The Cultural Studies Reader. Ed. by Simon During. London: Routledge, 1993. P. 368 - 381.

58. Cf. with information from interviews with Svichar, Suvorov and Solodovnik. More than a hundred contemporaries of the events I interviewed confirmed this.

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Tansky hard rock band Deep Purple became the most popular among many visitors to Soviet dance floors. By 1973, this hobby was especially widespread among high school students and students of vocational school 59. Everything connected with this British ensemble immediately attracted the attention of thousands of Dnepropetrovsk fans of new music. When, on Sunday afternoons in 1973, the Soviet radio station Mayak broadcast twenty-five-minute programs by the Moscow radio journalist Viktor Tatarsky, in which the song of the ensemble was once played, all playgrounds, football fields, etc. immediately emptied out, as teenagers hurried home to record their favorite songs from radio receivers on their tape recorders.60 Dnepropetrovsk rock music enthusiasts idealized and idolized everything related to Deep Purple. Therefore, when rumors that the musicians of this ensemble took part in the production of a rock opera about the last days of the life of Jesus Christ reached Soviet rock music fans in 1972, many of these fans tried to get tape recordings of this opera. As early as 1973, the music black markets of the main industrial Soviet cities, including Dnepropetrovsk, offered not only tape recordings, but also original vinyl Western records of the opera "Jesus Christ Superstar" by Andrew Lloyd Weber and Tim Rice. A British double album of the opera, released in 1970 (even before it became a Broadway sensation in 1971), proved to be the most sought-after item of consumption in local music markets,

59. In October 1970, Dnepropetrovsk tourists brought to the local market from a trip to Hungary the original album of this group "Deep Purple in Rock". By the end of the year, tape recordings of this record were available in any student dormitory in the city. In 1972-73, the students of the city already listened to the following albums of this collective: "Fireball "(1971), " Machine Head "(1972) and "Who Do We Think We Are" (1973). See diary of Valdimir Solodovnik, May 22, 1971, June 10, 1972; diary of Alexander Gusara, June 2, 1972, August 14, 1973 Wed. with a description of events in Moscow in: Kozlov A. Jazz, rock. p. 261.

60. From 1970 to 1975, the Moscow radio station "Mayak" broadcast a musical program by journalist Viktor Tatarsky "Write it down on your tape recorders". During 25 minutes of a Saturday or Sunday broadcast, Tatarsky played the most popular Western pop songs, including" hits " of Anglo-American rock music. Later, Tatarsky took part in many Soviet music radio programs that promoted the best examples of Western pop music. See my article about this: Zhuk S. Visual Culture, Media and Cultural Consumption in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia//Russian History. 2011. Vol. 38. No. 4. P. 515-527. Cf. interview with Suvorov, Vadimov, Igor T. and archival documents in: DADO. F. 19. Op. 52. D. 72. L. 25-28.

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because Ian Gillan, the singer of Deep Purple, performed the role of Christ in this opera. Thus, in the view of Soviet fans of rock music, the Weber opera was directly connected with the legendary British rock ensemble 61.

The biblical plot of the opera aroused an unprecedented interest in the history of Christianity among its many fans. Real pilgrimages to local libraries began, where rockers tried to find at least some information about the gospels and Jesus Christ. Instead of the original - the Bible - fans of the opera began to study atheistic literature about Christianity. Unexpectedly for librarians, dusty, boring publications of atheist propaganda became bestsellers in local bookstores, and libraries compiled special lists of readers who demanded such literature. Dnepropetrovsk librarians noted in 1972 and 1973 an unprecedented interest among young readers in atheistic literature, especially books about Jesus Christ and the origin of Christianity.62 Even such boring examples of anti-religious propaganda as Zenon Kosidovsky's" Tales of the Evangelists "and Leo Taxil's" Funny Gospel " became the object of extraordinary interest among local rockers.63 Even the files of old issues of Nauki i Religii, a Soviet atheist magazine, attracted numerous young readers who conducted research on the subject.

61. Interview with Suvorov, Gusar, Solodovnik, Sadovoi. Sometimes Soviet intelligent fans of rock opera justified their fascination with this product of Western mass culture by saying that Weber's work belonged to the genre of opera, which in itself meant belonging to a serious, "high" culture. Consequently, this rock opera was different from the usual pop songs. Many young classical and jazz musicians became fans of Weber's opera as a phenomenon of "elite" rather than mass culture. As a result, after 1972, the opera "Jesus Christ Superstar" became the subject of fascination not only for working-class youth, but also for young intellectuals throughout the USSR. See, for example, how the Moscow jazz musician Alexey Kozlov and his band Arsenal were influenced by this rock opera, and how they interpreted it in his music: Kozlov A. Jazz, rock. pp. 264-266.

62. See reports of librarians in: DADO. F. 1860. Op. 1. D. 2432. L. 39-40. Cf. interviews with Natalia Vasilenko and Vladimir Donets in July 2007 in Dnepropetrovsk and with Suvorov in 1991. My mother, who worked as a librarian in Vatutino, Cherkasy region of Ukraine, similarly complained on "Jesusomania" in 1974, when Weber's opera suddenly became popular among local teenagers. In two different interviews, Eduard Svichar also mentions this fact.

Kosidovsky Z. 63. Bibleiskie skazaniya [Biblical Tales], Moscow: Politizdat, 1966; On. Tales of the Evangelists, Moscow: Politizdat, 1977; Taxil L. Funny Gospel, or the Life of Jesus, Moscow: Politizdat, 1963.

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free time in library reading rooms, looking through magazine issues in search of at least some information about the gospels, Jesus, the Crucifixion, Judas and Mary Magdalene 64. At the same time, this "Jesusomania" caused the appearance of new fashion accessories - along with long hair and jeans, a large body cross became an obligatory element of the image of a young rocker in Dnepropetrovsk 65.

Such an interest in religion among rock fans has led to their frequent visits to Orthodox churches and prayer meetings of "sectarians", especially during major Christian holidays such as Easter. Young rockers liked to sometimes attend the Easter church service to experience a sense of adventure and danger. The police generally tried to prevent "secular youth" from participating in religious rites, and the rockers used various tricks to get into the church, as happened many times near the Trinity Cathedral in the center of Dnepropetrovsk. The most interesting thing for young adventurers was to enter the church, then run out and get away from the pursuit of the police and vigilantes.66 During 1972 and 1973, most of these adventurers were rock opera fans.

According to the memoirs of one of these rockers, on the eve of Easter Night on April 28, 1973, he and his friends, who had just finished recording the opera "Jesus Christ Superstar" on a tape recorder, went to the Trinity Cathedral to watch a religious ceremony. There they met hundreds of rock opera fans, who loudly sang tunes from the opera and showed off their new crosses. These rockers immediately tried to break through the dense barrier of vigilantes and policemen into the cathedral. But the police did not let the "musical hooligans" inside. Started by-

64. More than 150 of the 200 people I interviewed noted this connection between rock opera and everyday religiosity among rock music fans. This was especially emphasized in their interviews by Suvorov, Solodovnik, Gusar, Svichar and Sadovoy. This is also noted in their diaries: Solodovnik for May 22, 1971, June 10, 1972, and July 15, 1973; Alexander Gusar for June 2, 1972. This is also noted in the annual reports of the Dnipropetrovsk Central City Library for 1972-1977.

65. All the leaders of tour groups traveling abroad complained about the fashion for wearing crosses among young tourists: DADO. F. 22. Op. 24. D. 141. L. 11; F. 1860. Op. 1. D. 1533. L. 7, 8-9 (for 1972); F. 1860. Op. 1. D. 1993. L. 59, 70, 90-91, 119 (for 1976).

66. Diary of Alexander Gusar, April 29, 1973

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a shuffle that resulted in several drunk rockers being arrested. According to police reports, these "young Jesus lovers expressed their discontent for a long time, demanding admission to the church," but after several hours of peaceful confrontation, they left the Cathedral Square, still singing their favorite tunes from the opera. After this incident, police detachments near all churches in the city were increased, "preventing members of the Komsomol from entering religious buildings." 67
Many of these rock opera fans, whose interest in religion was inspired by the music of Andrew Lloyd Weber, later became devout Christians. Some of them joined local Orthodox congregations, and some began attending Baptist and Pentecostal congregations. As contemporaries have noted, many fans of Weber's opera discovered the original text of Holy Scripture through their relatives or friends. They tried to compare the actual description of events with the depiction of the story of Jesus in the opera. They copied the text of the libretto by hand, reread every word of the Gospel of John, comparing the Russian text with the English lyrics of the opera. Many students of the English Department of the Faculty of Philology of Dnepropetrovsk State University (hereinafter referred to as DSU) spent all their free time after classes making translations of the opera libretto and checking their translation with Bible texts in Russian.68 Some of these students later entered religious seminaries to become either Orthodox priests or Baptist preachers. Thus, one of them, Valery Likhachev, who graduated from the History Department of DSU with a "red diploma" in 1978 and worked in the DSU archaeological expedition, applied and was admitted to the Leningrad Orthodox Seminary in 1983. 69 Alexander Gusar recalls how his classmates from the local high school met in his house to compare the text The gospel that belonged to Alexander's grandmother, with two other versions of the translation into Russian of the libretto from the original cover of the corporate album "Jesus Christ Superstars".-

67. Interview with Suvorov, Igor T., Podgaetsky and Yuri Mytsyk, January 15, 1992, Dnepropetrovsk. Wed. with the official version in: DADO. F. 6465. Op. 2. D. 4. L. 23.

68. Interview with Sergey Pulin, Mikhail Suvorov and Eduard Svichar.

69. DADO. F. 6465. Op. 2. D. 37. L. 235-236.

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yes." They listened to these records every night during 1974. It is important to note that this interest in Bible stories brought them into religious communities. Two of these friends joined the local Baptist congregation, two others became active members of the local Pentecostal community, and one of them became a prominent preacher among local Adventists.70 A similar story happened in another town near Dnepropetrovsk, when Vladimir Solodovnik's close friends began their bible studies by listening to Weber's opera and checking out Russian translations of the libretto. As a result, five of them adopted Baptism as their faith by the end of the 1970s. It should be noted that all of them started out as ordinary participants in hysteria about this opera with all the elements of youth pop culture, including long hair, wearing crosses, jeans and idealization of hippies. Eventually, they replaced the images of rock music with purely Christian symbols, and now new elements of Christian piety and Christian ethics formed the identity of former rock opera fans who joined religious communities.71
Another influence from the world of rock music, which sparked interest in religion, was associated with the first albums of the British ensemble Black Sabbath, especially the first images available to Soviet consumers of members of this ensemble with body crosses, which again connected in the imagination of Soviet rockers with Christianity. In 1975, young fans of this ensemble, such as Eduard Svichar and Mikhail Suvorov, tried to find answers to their questions about religion and religious symbols of Black Sabbath in Soviet atheistic periodicals. Both Svichar and Suvorov, disappointed by official Soviet information about religion, eventually found pre-revolutionary editions of the Russian Orthodox Bible, which became their first religious text. Inspired by the religious symbolism of the British rock band, Svichar even decided to visit Orthodox monasteries to talk to the monks about the issues that concerned him. According to the testimony of Svichar himself, after his spiritual search for religious truth and visits to various monasteries and churches, he was so disappointed-

70. Interview with Gusar, Igor T., Mytsyk and Podgaetsky.

71. Interview with Solodovnik and Svichar.

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Wang was caught up in the Soviet higher education system and Komsomol ideological "fooling" at the institute, so he dropped out of the institute in Kiev and returned to his hometown in Cherkasy oblast, where he continued to play rock music and attend local Christian communities.72
Interestingly, as early as 1976, local Soviet ideologues tried to use Western pop music, including fragments of the opera "Jesus Christ Superstar", in various anti-religious campaigns. The main principle of these campaigns was to " involve young people in all kinds of events, especially on religious holidays." Therefore, local authorities, following the recommendations of Moscow, organized all sorts of subbotniks and labor paratroopers interspersed with long, up to late at night, dance evenings and discos, especially on the eve of Easter celebrations. So, in 1977, the Dnepropetrovsk leaders organized a subbotnik on Saturday, April 9, actually on the eve of Easter. And on March 22 of the same year, they developed a special anti-religious program that actively involved young people in "work and entertainment", prohibiting the baking of bread products with Easter symbols and the use of personal and public transport for religious services.73
As disco activists recall, Komsomol ideologues allowed discos to be held until 4 a.m. in the central disco club "Melody" in Chkalov Park on Easter evenings in 1977, 1978 and 1979. At all these entertaining evenings, the hosts used fragments of the opera "Jesus Christ Superstar", of course, with their atheistic comments 74. However, these measures did not stop young people from attending religious services. On Easter night, April 9-10, 1977, 63,000 people visited Orthodox churches in the city. Among them, 2,300 young people took direct part in religious rites, and 6,300 young visitors simply watched the ritual. Many of them were inspired by that sa-

72. Interview with Eduard Svichar, Vatutino, Cherkasy region, July 28-29, 2007, and interview with Mikhail Suvorov, Dnepropetrovsk, June 1, 1991.

73. DADO. F. 6465. Op. 2. D. 15. L. 11. Only in one city of Dnepropetrovsk more than 80,000 people took part in this subbotnik. A week later, on April 16, 1977, more than 200,000 people participated in the All-Union Subbotnik in the city.

74. Interview with Suvorov, Gusar and Igor T.

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my rock opera by Weber, which was used as anti-religious propaganda during anti-Paschal discos 75.

Documents from Soviet travel agencies also show the influence of Weber's opera on the formation of everyday religiosity among local tourists traveling abroad. Thus, in 1983, during a trip to the socialist countries of Europe, a member of the Dnepropetrovsk group Viktor Rybakov, an electrician of the Dneprovskaya mine, purchased a copy of the Bible in Russian in Hungary with the intention of bringing it to Dnepropetrovsk. When the head of his group demanded that Rybakov hand over the Bible to the KGB representative, the latter objected: "I'm bringing this book home because I need it in my daily life." In the end, KGB officers forcibly took the Bible from him at border 76. The leaders of tour groups constantly complained about the attempts of Dnepropetrovsk tourists to bring silver crosses and Orthodox icons to Ukraine from foreign trips. Bulgaria and Yugoslavia became popular destinations for tourists who were interested in Christian symbols. During the 1970s and early 1980s, local tourists brought a significant number of crosses, copies of the Bible and icons to Dnepropetrovsk from their trips to Eastern Europe. More than 60% of tourists (Vlyuchaya and Rybakova) involved in such offenses admitted that Weber's rock opera aroused their interest in religion.77
Closed City as an ideological failure of late Socialism

Despite all the anti-religious measures, everyday religiosity in the region has not disappeared. In 1980-1984, according to KGB estimates, about 60,000 people regularly visited Orthodox churches. From 1978 to 1984, during the Easter holidays, 4,000-6,000 visitors (including 100 people under the age of 30) visited the Holy Trinity Cathedral in Dnepropetrovsk. In the same years, 250-400 people regularly participated in the Jewish Passover celebration-

75. DADO. F. 6465. Op. 2. D. 15. L. go; Interview with Vadimov, Pulin, Suvorov and Svichar.

76. DADO. F. 1860. Op. 1 appendix. D. 3157. L. 128.

77. DADO. F. 22. Op. 24. D. 141. L. 11; F. 1860. Op. 1. D. 1248. L. 57; D. 1532. L. 68; D. 2278. L. 122; D. 2278. L. 215.

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78. Organized religion still played a role in the daily life of local residents. In 1983, according to statistics, 9% of the region's newborns were baptized in Orthodox churches. In the Dnipro region alone, 24.5% of newborns were baptized according to Orthodox rituals. Among 158 parents who baptized their children in Novopetrovsk, 104 (65.8%) were Komsomol members, seven of them were engineers, eleven worked as teachers and tutors of schools and kindergartens, and five were university students.79 In 1984, people representing registered religious associations made up 3% of the total regional population, and at least 2% of these religious people lived in Dnepropetrovsk proper.80
In the post-Stalinist era, products of Western mass culture, such as rock music, also played an important role in shaping everyday religiosity among the youth of Dnepropetrovsk. Western pop music brought to the closed city became an important factor in the formation of local identity. As sociologists have observed, "the consumption of foreign cultural products was (and still is) a process of selective borrowing and appropriation, translation, and incorporation into the local cultural context." 81
Anglo-American rock music has become a kind of cultural fixation for the youth of Dnepropetrovsk. According to modern sociology, a limited number of sources of Western cultural practices always produce "intensive idealization" of such practices, especially in societies with strong ideological controls and restrictions.82 This happened in the closed city of Dnepropetrovsk. Using the app-

78. DADO. F. 6465. Op. 2. D. go, 92-93.

79. Ibid. d. 40. L. 4-5.

80. Ibid. d. 42. l. 52. More and more young people were included in the category of "religious people". In 1982, of the 146 who joined the Baptist congregation, 44 were young people between the ages of 18 and 30. By 1984, among the 165 new members of this community, 53 were already young people. Data from: DADO. F. 6465. Op. 2. D. 42. L. 33.

Bennett A. 81. Popular music and Youth Culture: Music, Identity and Place. New York: St. Martin's Press. 2000. P. 198.

Cushman Th. 82. Notes from Underground. P. 43. Kushman uses the concept of cultural fixation to illustrate the popularity in the USSR of only a very limited number of Western rock musicians, such as The Beatles or Deep Purple. See more about this in my book: Zhuk S. Rock and Roll in the Rocket City. P. 8 - 9.

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Due to their strong fixation on certain forms of Western mass culture and accessible religious practices of local churches, the youth of Dnepropetrovsk built their religious identity using elements of Christianity, folklore, and sometimes even Hinduism, which were present in their idealized Western rock music. The history of religious practices and Western mass culture in Dnepropetrovsk in the post-Stalin era demonstrates the failure of the Soviet administration and the KGB to protect the youth of the strategically important center of the Soviet military-industrial complex from the "harmful influence" of religion and Western pop culture.

Bibliography

Archive materials

Державний архів Дніпропетровської області (Государственный архив Днепропетровской области) (ДАДО).

F. 18 (Dnepropetrovsk City Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine).

F. 19 (Dnepropetrovsk Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine).

F. 22 (Dnepropetrovsk regional committee of LKSMU).

F. 1860 (Dnepropetrovsk Regional Council of Trade Unions).

F. 3383 (Executive Committee of the Dnipropetrovsk Regional Council of Workers ' Deputies).

F. 6463 (Council for Religious Cults under the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Authorized Representative of the Council for the Dnipropetrovsk region, Dnepropetrovsk).

F. 6464 (Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church under the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Authorized Representative of the Council for the Dnipropetrovsk region).

F. 6465 (Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Commissioner for Religious Cults in the Dnipropetrovsk region, Dnepropetrovsk).

F. 9870 (Dnepropetrovsk Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine. Department: Special sector. Sector: Secret part).

Interview

Vladimir Donets (Dnepropetrovsk, July 19, 2007).

Alexander Gusar (Dnepropetrovsk, May 4, 1990).

Igor T., former KGB officer (Dnepropetrovsk, May 15, 1991).

Yuriy Mytsyk (Dnepropetrovsk University, January 15, 1992).

Vitaliy Podhaetsky (Dnepropetrovsk University, February 10, 1996).

Evgeny Prudchenko (Central Library of the Dnipropetrovsk region, Dnepropetrovsk, July 18, 2007).

Sergey Pulin (Dnepropetrovsk, April 15, 1990).

Vladimir Sadovoi (Dnepropetrovsk, March 10, 1992).

Alexander Ponezha (Dnepropetrovsk, July 22, 2008).

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Galina Smolenskaya (Central Library of the Dnipropetrovsk region, Dnepropetrovsk, July 18, 2007).

Vladimir Solodovnik (Dnepropetrovsk, June 21, 1991).

Mikhail Suvorov (Dnepropetrovsk, June 1, 1991).

Eduard Svichar (Vatutino, Cherkasy region, June 8, 2004).

Eduard Svichar (Vatutino, Cherkasy region, July 28-29, 2007).

Andrey Vadimov (Dnepropetrovsk, July 20-21, 2003).

Natalia Vasilenko (Dnepropetrovsk, July 19, 2007).

Anatoly T., member of the Dnepropetrovsk Hare Krishna Community (Dnepropetrovsk, July 1, 2005).

Personal diaries

Summer diary of Alexander Gusar, Pavlograd, Dnipropetrovsk region, 1970-1976.

Summer diary of Vladimir Solodovnik, Sinelnikovo, Dnipropetrovsk region, 1966-1972.

Summer diary of Mikhail Suvorov, Dnepropetrovsk, 1972-1977.

Summer diary of Andrey Vadimov, Dnepropetrovsk, 1969-1975.

Modern periodicals (1964-1984)

Dneprovskaya Pravda

Dnipro Vecherniy

Science and Religion

Прапор юності

Ranok

Same age group

Around the world

Zorya

Published sources: statistics and memoirs

Goskomstat of the USSR. Dnipropetrovsk Regional Department of Statistics. Population of the Dnipropetrovsk region according to the All-Union Population Census of 1989 Dnepropetrovsk, 1991.

Kozlov A. Jaz, rok i mednye truby [Jazz, Rock and copper pipes]. Moscow: EKSMO, 2005.

Makarevich A. "Sam ovtsa": autobiographical prose, Moscow: Zakharov Publ., 2007.

Central Statistical Office of the Dnipropetrovsk region. Dnipropetrovsk region in figures (To the 40th anniversary of the victory in the Great Patriotic War). Editor-in-chief L. G. Glushkin. Dnepropetrovsk, 1985.

Земні шляхи і зоряні орбіти. Штрихи до портрета Леоніда Кучми/Ред. В. П. Горбулін. Київ: Друк, 1998.

Literature

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Stites R. Russian Popular Culture: Entertainment and Society Since 1900. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992.

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