Address of Kostiantyn Hryshchenko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine during the parliamentary hearings

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"Foreign policy of Ukraine as an instrument of ensuring national interests of the state: achievements, realities and prospects"

Before I proceed with realities, prospects and achievements of the foreign policy of Ukraine, I would like to make two important, to my mind, statements.

The first statement deals with the character of contemporary international policy, which substantially differs from those stereotypes and conceptions that are current in our society.

The contemporary foreign policy is not only talk in the corridors thing and even not only the large network of contacts between politicians and relations between the states.

It is a tangle of political issues, economy, culture, science, and a great number of other factors.

Under existing conditions foreign policy

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of Ukraine is a concern of both diplomats and all branches of power, all public offices, public organizations and other institutions which today are competent actors on the international scene.

Diplomats make a team weathering a ship in the sea of global policy. But we build and we load this ship together.

The second statement deals with the notion "national interests".

I am for the wide sense of this term. It includes strengthening of economic positions, cultural expansion, and absolute orientation to the innovative development.

It is another argument in favor of the fact that the successful foreign policy can become reality only on condition of consolidation of all elements of state authority in Ukraine.

Now we will elaborate on the way traveled during our independence.

I think, we can keep time of systemic and purposeful activity of Ukraine in the international relations from 1993, when the first major program document in this sphere was adopted-Basic Directions of Foreign Policy.

I will remind that this document lists the top priorities of Ukrainian:

1. Establishment of Ukraine as an independent democratic state.

2. Guarantee the stability of international position of Ukraine.

3. Guarantee of territorial integrity and inviolability of its boundaries.

4. Inclusion of national economy into the world economic system.

5. Protection of rights and interests of citizens of Ukraine, its legal entities abroad.

6. Making image of Ukraine abroad as a reliable and unfailing partner.

I think, the initial decade of Ukrainian independence passed under the sign of the first three priorities (establishment of the state system, guarantee of stability of surroundings, protection of territorial integrity).

There is a good reason to conclude that our activity was rather effective in these directions.

Ukraine quickly won world recognition.

Delimitation took more time, but, at least on the mainland, it is near to completion.

Thanks to the solution of complicated issues in the relationships with neighboring countries and active regional policy of Ukraine we can speak about stable international surroundings for our state to develop.

But it is only a basis for the new progress and new goals.

First, there remain and will remain for a long time in the future three other defined-in- 1993 strategic directions on the agenda: ingoing into the world economy, protection of rights and interests of the citizens of Ukraine abroad, improvement of the image of our state.

These are permanent objectives for diplomatic service, which do not lose actuality regardless of political moment.

The Ukrainian diplomacy will concentrate on these goals now and in years to come.

Second, Ukraine faces important tasks of realization of its priority geopolitical purposes.

The European Union was and is the #1 priority.

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Reasons for this purpose are rather pragmatic.

The European Union is the world's biggest investor.

The European Union is a global actor which will sometime match the U. S. influence on the world development.

The EU is the system of values which we follow building Ukraine as a European state.

Eventually, orientation to the European standard of life-democracy, prosperity, stability-can unite Ukrainian nation for a decade ahead.

However critical we sometimes are of the internal development of Ukraine, on a world arena it appears and becomes established as a European state.

At the same time we try and build our strategic partnership with both the U. S. and Russia.

It is my opinion that partnership with the EU is needed for construction of European Ukraine, while the partnership with both the United States and Russia are important for the real partnership with the European Union.

Therefore I consider that there are no grounds to speak about contradiction of these footholds of Ukraine on a world arena.

They are complementary. We should be rather worried that nobody has any doubts that Europe remains the first priority out of three choices.

In our relations with the EU we conduct a permanent political dialog on the basis of the Agreement about partnership and cooperation.

The diplomats work with the EU pressing for the recognition of Ukraine as a market economy.

In my opinion, it is the question of the near future.

At the same time we should solve a number of trade problems in the context of APC implementation, initiation of negotiations on the free trade creation between Ukraine and the European Union, schedule the adaptation of our legislation to the norms of the European Union and receive aid for its realization.

Unfortunately, the recognition of political prospects of Ukraine is more complicated, than it is the case with our western neighbors.

And we are not the only reason.

To a great extent the reason is that the Berlin wall which has long divided Europe has not fully disappeared from the political landscape of our continent.

It has only found its way into the consciousness of many European strategists which mechanically perceive Ukraine as a geopolitical shade of Russia.

The EU thought inertia was and is a problem for the European integration of Ukraine.

But not the biggest one.

Owing to a number of problems most which are related to the first wave of expansion, the European Union is not ready yet to recognize Ukraine as a possible member.

However, this idea has its supporters and promoters.

The reason for hushing up "Ukrainian issue" in the European Union is in unwillingness to trigger new discussion which can burden the European Union against the background of already tough problems, internal reformation of the European Union above all things.

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However, in a year or two the situation can change.

In the meantime we have to become firmly established as a European country, develop market economy, democratic society, and integrate into the world economic system. That is we need doing our homework for Ukraine to become a European state not only by vocation but also according to realities.

The priority task on this stage is joining the World Trade Organization, which determines the subsequent development of dialog with the European Union and our integration, into the world economy.

There is no need to remind of the final rehabilitation of the idea of EuroAtlantic integration as a strategic purpose of Ukraine in recent years. It is both a security, and principal political goal.

Our membership in NATO can become the prototype of the following joining the EU.

The main reference points on this way are the Ukraine-NATO Plan of actions, which we have already, and Schedule of Membership which we aim to.

On the other hand, with orientation of modern foreign policy toward international political and security structures, the development of friendly bilateral relations with other countries is the main "construction material" of diplomacy.

The main objective of this activity is creation of reliable zone of peace, stability and security around Ukraine, strengthening of its positions in the region, and, consequently, and promotion of its authority on the international scene.

From this standpoint we consider our relationships with the U. S. A. which have become constructive and pragmatic now that reflects strategic character of bilateral dialog.

The results attained in the last few years in the dialog with Russia may be considered a serious foreign-policy achievement.

First of all, I mean, signing of Agreement about friendship, cooperation and partnership, determination of legal frameworks of the deployment of the Black Sea Fleet of Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine, conclusion of the Treaty about Ukrainian-Russian state boundary.

However there still remain a number of undecided questions in relations with this country which need proper attention.

This was the topic of recent parliamentary hearings concerning Ukrainian-Russian relations. Therefore today I will have to mention that the unpredictable and potentially dangerous actions of our northern neighbor concerning the Kosa Tuzla Island are a major problem not only for Ukraine but also for the Ukrainian-Russian strategic partnership.

However, I am far from calling in question its future.

If in relations with Russia there are problems, they should be solved in the spirit of neighborliness. I see no alternative.

The development of Ukrainian-Polish strategic partnership became the real achievement from the point of view of foreign-policy interests of Ukraine and common European positions.

With admission of Poland to the European Union and NATO the role of Ukrainian- Polish relations in realization of

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European and EuroAtlantic aspirations of Ukraine increase.

From this point of view the 2003 Agreement about the asymmetric visa procedure between Poland and Ukraine is important, as well as Polish aspirations to play crucial part in formulating the Eastern concept of the policy of the European Union.

During its independence Ukraine managed to develop constructive relations with Germany.

It became our major trade and economic partner in Europe.

It upped our political dialog to the top priority level (regular high-level intergovernmental consultations).

We conduct an up-and-down dialog with France; though there is a constant progress.

I hope to somewhat improve it during my next visit to Paris.

The cooperation with Great Britain has become rather important.

Today it is the third major investor in Ukraine; once and again it supported our integration into common Europe.

Italy has become our key European partner; it is one of the friendliest countries with which we have the second best volume of commodity turnover and which is one of the top importers of Ukrainian products.

During independence Ukraine successfully preserved old and sought new forms of cooperation in political, economic and other spheres with the CEE countries, first of all with our direct neighbors.

Besides the Ukrainian-Polish dialog we went on developing relations with Hungary and Slovakia.

Relations with Romania are in a new stage now; we successfully managed important questions of our border and now we proceed with the delimitation of the continental shelf and exclusive Black-Sea economic areas.

Our neighbor Moldova occupies a separate place in our policy. There are pros and cons.

Advantage: good volumes of bilateral trade (only for the first nine months of 2003 it made $407.6m, half as much again against the previous year.)

Disadvantage: difference of opinion on Prydnistrovya issue.

In general, I think that the Ukrainian-Moldovan relations have good basis and positive prospects which need good work ahead.

From the point of involvement of Ukraine into regional transport and power projects within the framework of the Europe-Caucasus-Asia corridor relations with the countries of South Caucasus and Turkey gained importance.

In 2002 Turkey was second major (after Russia) consumer of Ukrainian commodities and became fourth most important foreign trade partners of Ukraine (after Russia, Germany and Turkmenistan).

Separately I want to pay attention to Ukraine's activity on the Balkans. We repeatedly positioned ourselves as a participant of Balkan settlement. Our soldieries took part in peacemaking. The Ukrainian factor was expressly felt in Macedonia.

Ukrainian contingents performed their duty in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Ukrainians are present in

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multinational forces (KFOR) under NATO in Kosovo.

It is a reality of globalizing world that distances grow shorter, and the list of partners is not determined by their geographical location.

Therefore it is only logical that Ukraine increases its presence (economic in the first place) in the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. It is an important and expanding market now. There are sources of strategic industrial and agrarian raw materials and important international communication junctions.

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The activity of Ukraine in the UNO has been acquiring new format for twelve years now.

Its higher authority was proved by G. Udovenko's Chairmanship the 52nd session of the United Nations General Assembly in 1997-1998 and choosing Ukraine a n on- permanent member of the Security Council in 2000-2001.

Our country has made an important contribution to peacemaking under the United Nations. Today Ukraine belongs to 10 major contributors to peacemaking operations and is a top European representative in such United Nations operations.

Ukrainian diplomacy succeeded to restrain a downtrend of interest of the international community to manage the aftermath of Chornobyl Disaster, and prevent curtailing of the international aid programs in this domain.

After 9/11 Ukraine joined the international counterterrorist coalition which was beneficial for strengthening of authority of Ukraine as an active factor of international relations.

Joining cooperation within the framework OSCE in 1992 and Council of Europe in 1995 opened up possibilities for Ukraine to discuss and take decisions on European policy and security.

As to the latter organization I underline that Ukraine has met almost all obligations taken during the entry procedure having ratified all EC international legal documents.

At the same time the EC goes on criticizing adoption of the new Civil Procedural and Criminal Procedural Laws, reformation of the office of public prosecutor, guarantees of the freedom of speech and functioning of mass media.

From the point of view of strengthening Ukrainian positions in the post-Soviet space it is important to use the mechanisms of CIS; we use the chairmanship of Ukraine to realize our conception of development and activity of this organization.

Firstly, we need to update CIS to meet European standards; secondly, the Commonwealth should become economy-oriented.

If we hold our ground in the CIS, this structure will be able to become really useful promoting our interests.

Ukraine signed the Agreement about Forming of the CEA trying to develop framework for economic cooperation in the post-Soviet space.

Recently it was a popular topic in the Verkhovna Rada lobby.

Today our first priority, as I used to underline, is a free trade zone.

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The Common Economic Area is not an end in itself, but a means of realization of the interests of Ukraine in the renewal of economic ties with other post-Soviet countries.

We hope that the Tuzla issue will not force Ukraine to revise its treatment of the Common Economic Area.

Indisputably, I am as much as mention the GUUAM.

Despite recent difficulties, the geopolitical potential of this organization, in which Ukraine is a catalyst and mover, is far from exhausted.

If Ukraine put things right and regional developments are positive, it can become an important political actor of development on the border of Europe and Asia.

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The continuous perfection and verification of foreign-policy course is to be based on the awareness of fundamental national interests of Ukraine only.

Consequently our major goal includes the needs of Ukrainian society in a safe and forward development, in meeting European standards of life.

Thus, our successes should not be measured merely by a number of agreements, meetings or economic indicators.

Our activity should result in practical strengthening of the state, increase of welfare and guarantee of the proper place of Ukraine on the world arena.

And it should be our daily guiding line now.

To my mind, the outline of the foreign policy priorities of Ukraine is as follows:

The European and EuroAtlantic integration as the strategic purpose accumulating efforts of Ukraine and establishing it as a European country, and not a "fragment" of former or appendage of new empires.

Ukraine must continue with its multilateral policy within the framework of universal and regional international organizations.

Creating the basics of the regional policy of Ukraine should be in the limelight as system constituent of eurointegration course. With this in mind Ukraine must be treated as an important European state and influential regional factor.

Activation of regional cooperation with the Central European countries is intended to minimize for Ukraine negative and develop positive consequences of the European Union expansion.

Cooperation within the framework of GUUAM and CIS in the format of Commonwealth etc remains rather important.

Deepening of external economic relations is the actual task for strategic interests of Ukraine.

The question is our state should not only strengthen its presence on the traditional market, first of all, in the CIS, Central and South-East Europe, but develop new markets for Ukrainian goods and services in the Near East, Latin America, Asia, and Africa as well.

Therefore it is necessary to clarify Ukrainian possibilities in relation to the cooperation with those countries which are or aspire to become regional leaders.

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Today the foreign policy of Ukraine is in the new stage of prioritization and practical solutions.

This stage is to be based on current high rates of economic growth, increase of volumes of foreign commodity turnover, implementation of strategic tasks in the field of both foreign and domestic policy.

Determination of the foundations of foreign policy in each direction should be based on integrated concept, interrelationship of external relations in all directions subject to the condition of observance of certain strategic course toward European and EuroAtlantic integration.

In this context I believe in fruitful cooperation between the Ministry of Foregn Affairs and Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.

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