During the first Russian Revolution, the factory proletariat roused broad masses of the people, including workers and employees of commercial establishments, warehouses and offices, to fight against tsarism and the bourgeoisie. In Soviet historiography, which pays great attention to the revolution of 1905-1907, the struggle of this group of wage workers is almost not covered .1 This article examines how, under the influence of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat and under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party, the movement of trade workers and employees developed in a number of centers of Russia, and how their organization and political consciousness gradually grew in the course of it.
In bourgeois society, with its dominant commodity production, trade, constantly expanding, takes on a universal character and becomes the sphere of application of commercial capital - a separate part of industrial capital. As capitalist trade develops more and more widely, there is a process of forming merchant workers and employees as a special category of wage laborers who sell their labor power according to the same laws as factory workers. In this sense, K. Marx noted, "the merchant worker is just as much a wage worker as any other" 2. V. I. Lenin also referred the merchant worker and the industrial worker to the same class of wage workers, contrasting this class with capital as a whole .3
However, there are also significant differences between these two categories of employees. Associated with industry, factory workers are concentrated in larger collectives, are more organized, and are therefore the most revolutionary element of capitalist society. Commercial workers and employees, carrying out
1 The participation of commercial employees in the revolution of 1905-1907 was considered in the following special works: Essay on the movement of employees in Russia, M. 1921; "From the history of the professional movement of employees in St. Petersburg", L. 1925;"Professional movement of employees of Ukraine (1905 - 1907)". Kharkiv. B/g. Apart from the fact that these works have become bibliographically rare, they inevitably have a number of shortcomings, including methodological ones, due to their long-standing writing; in addition, in these works, the movement of trade employees was considered in isolation from the struggle of the industrial proletariat and the Bolshevik Party, mainly in terms of the history of individual trade unions of trade employees. cities. Later, V. Sheinman, in his article "The Situation of trade workers before the Revolution", gave several examples of the participation of employees in the revolutionary movement of 1905 (Voprosy sovetskoi Torgovli, 1940, N 5-6). V. M. Anufriev, P. I. Dorovatovsky, and N. I. Rogankov's pamphlet " From the History of the Trade Union Movement of Trade Workers "(Moscow, 1958) briefly discusses the participation of St. Petersburg trade unions in the revolution of 1905 - 1907.
2 K. Marx and F. Engels, Op. 25, part I, p. 321.
3 See V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 21, p. 270.
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sales of goods through geographically dispersed relatively small retail establishments are less organized and conscious, less capable of fighting. In this connection, their situation is sometimes worse than that of the industrial workers, since the latter, by their class struggle, wrest from capital and from the State a number of concessions that to some extent regulate the exploitation of factory labor.
The category of wage-earners oppressed by commercial capital is not homogeneous in its social structure: it is primarily divided into commercial workers and employees. In turn, each of these groups is divided into different layers. Thus, commercial workers include movers and weigers of stores, commercial warehouses and restaurants, kitchen workers in restaurants and inns; commercial employees include salesmen in stores, stalls, kiosks, pharmacies, etc., as well as cashiers, accountants, and bookkeepers working in commercial establishments. Among the commercial employees, the most numerous group consists of salesmen, or, as they were called, clerks. F. Engels referred to them as the commercial proletariat 4; the pre-revolutionary Bolshevik press figuratively called them "proletarians of the counter" 5 . But even this stratum was not uniform: in addition to ordinary salesmen, there were senior clerks and students. Subjected to severe exploitation, commercial workers and employees in general, as well as industrial workers, were interested in the elimination of capitalism. Therefore, the so-called clerk's question was part of the worker's question.
Clerks in tsarist Russia, the vast majority of whom were formed from ruined peasants or their children, looked upon their position as temporary, trying to save money and become independent owners-merchants, or at least to achieve the position of senior employees in a store or warehouse, that is, to rise above the rest of the mass of ordinary clerks. This also left its mark on their spiritual appearance, forcing them to endure the most brutal exploitation almost without a murmur, to please their master, waiting for "mercy" from him. In addition, until the beginning of the twentieth century, trade in Russia was carried out (with the exception of a certain number of large shopping centers) in small trading establishments-shops, where the owner himself worked together with several of his clerks. Often living in the owner's apartment (in the kitchen, in the shed, in the hall) and dining with him, constantly being under his supervision, the clerk was separated from the employees of other shops. The master's food and housing were the remnants of serfdom, which were an additional burden on the merchant employees. Many of the clerks were almost illiterate. All this narrowed the outlook of commercial employees, helped them preserve their petty-bourgeois illusions, hindered the development of class political consciousness, and prevented them from uniting to fight against their exploiters. Moreover, due to the low educational level of the clerks, Tsarism sometimes managed to use the darkest elements of them to crack down on the strike movement of factory workers and students.
The clerks ' working conditions were difficult. In most provincial cities, their working day lasted an average of 15-16 hours, in St. Petersburg-up to 17 hours, in Moscow-even up to 19 hours. (in the absence of Sunday and holiday holidays, with the exception of three days a year during the main religious holidays). Most of the clerks received low wages, which were also given out in irregular installments, at the discretion of the owner. For example, in Moscow, the average monthly salary is
4 See K. Marx and F. Engels, Op. 25, part I, p. 330, ed. 39-a.
5 See, for example, "Failed". Zvezda, 1912, No. 33; "Clerks and Elections". Pravda, 1912, No. 17.
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clerks of grocery and fish stores were paid from 8 to 20 rubles, junior employees - from 4 to 7 rubles 6 ; many clerks (trade students) received almost nothing at all. Like factory workers, commercial workers and employees were deprived of legal labor protection, insurance against diseases, old age, and disability.
Since the 1990s, the rapid development of capitalism in Russia and its transition to the imperialist stage have increasingly affected trade. The increase in the urban population, the development of mass production, communication routes, and postal and telegraph communications contributed to the rapid growth of trade, and the emergence of large stores and warehouses in urban centers (for example, in Moscow: the firms Muir and Merilise, Chichkina, Eliseev, and Filippov). In this regard, the number of trade workers and employees also increased. Thus, in 1905 there were already 150 thousand of them in St. Petersburg, which accounted for 10% of the city's population; in Odessa - up to 25 thousand; in Kharkov (according to 1906 data) - 16 thousand people .7 All these changes, in turn, affected the position and spiritual appearance of employees. Patriarchal relations between the master merchant and his clerks were destroyed, and the hopes of the latter to "go out in the world" were scattered like a fog.
At the beginning of the twentieth century, under the influence of the growing movement of factory workers, the consciousness of clerks was slowly but steadily awakened, and the most advanced among them began to understand their true position in society, their class opposition to the bourgeoisie, and their unity with the industrial workers. In May 1900, Minsk clerks held a series of small strikes; in 1903, under the influence of the general political strike of workers in the South of Russia, there were strikes of clerks in Kutaisi, Baku, Tiflis, Feodosia, which ended in a victory for the strikers; in some cities, illegal revolutionary proclamations began to spread among the clerks (for example, in January 1903 in Odessa, a proclamation called for clerks to overthrow tsarism and the bourgeoisie by means of an organized struggle jointly with the entire proletariat)8 .
Some of the clerks of St. Petersburg were members of Gapon organizations, discussed the petition to the tsar, and on the day of Bloody Sunday participated in the procession to the Winter Palace .9 The bloody crime of tsardom on January 9, 1905, caused a spontaneous outburst of indignation among commercial employees: in the evening, most of the clerks of St. Petersburg stores went on strike. In February and March, the discontent of St. Petersburg trade employees is growing. Of course, at that time the degree of consciousness and militant activity of clerks was not the same; many of them were limited to petitions to local authorities; most of their strikes were of an economic nature. But that wasn't the point. How
6 A. Losev. Trade employees, Moscow, 1906, p. 25. The average earnings of clerks in Russia by 1902 was: for a man-34 rubles, for a woman-13 rubles and 7 kopecks ("Trade unions of the USSR in the past and present", Moscow B / g, p. 368). These figures show that a clerk in Russia on average earned more than a factory or railway worker: in 1905, 77.6% of railway workers earned an average of up to 30 rubles a month (I. M. Pushkareva. Railwaymen of Russia in the bourgeois-Democratic Revolutions, Moscow, 1975, p. 54). These data confirm the conclusion made by Karl Marx that "the merchant worker belongs to the better-paid class of wage workers", to those whose labor costs more than the average labor " (Karl Marx and Fr. Engels, Op. 25, part 1, p. 329).
7 E. V. Geshin. An outline of the clerk's movement. Sovremennik, 1911, No. 5, p. 158; Zhizn Prikazchik, Moscow, 1906, No. 3, p. 12; 1907, N 5, p. 12.
8 Iskra, 1902, No. 17; 1903, NN 33, 45, 47, 49; Vestnik Prikazchika, Moscow, 1914, No. 6, p. 10.
9 S. N. Semanov. Bloody Sunday, L. 1965, p. 108; V. M. Anufriev, P. I. Dorovatovsky, N. I. Rogankov. Op. ed., p. 11.
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V. Bonch-Bruevich wrote: "the awakening of these most backward strata of the proletariat is highly characteristic. The fact that the mighty wave of the proletarian movement has unsettled even these backward strata and drawn them into the general current speaks volumes about the breadth and strength of this movement. The most backward strata of the proletariat felt an irresistible urge to organize their forces. " 10
The Bolsheviks conducted painstaking educational work among the clerks, bringing consciousness to their movement, calling on them to rally around the industrial workers, create their own organizations to fight against the owners, and move from the economic struggle to the political one under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party. Thus, the St. Petersburg Committee of Bolsheviks in a special leaflet called on clerks to " learn from factory workers... what the proletarians need to fight for, how to conduct the struggle, and where to start it. " 11 At the same time, the Bolsheviks explained in detail to the clerks that the latter, like the industrial workers, were wage slaves of capital, who had the same enemies - tsarism and the bourgeoisie. In the spring of 1905, a small circle of clerks, led by the Bolsheviks, created an illegal trade union, which united about 2 thousand people .12 When the St. Petersburg City Council, in order to distract the clerks from the struggle, created a commission on the question of the working day, the revolutionary-minded clerks called on their comrades not to believe this commission and to continue the struggle together with the industrial workers against tsarism and the bourgeoisie .13
Since January 10, workers in Moscow have been on strike to protest against Bloody Sunday. Clerks of meat, gastronomic and pharmacy stores also took part in their struggle. In the spring, the movement of clerks increases, and through strikes, some of them have obtained a number of economic concessions from their employers (for example, workers who went on strike under the leadership of the Bolsheviks in April and clerks of Filippov's bakery stores)14 . The Moscow Committee of Bolsheviks, in its leaflet, called on the clerks not to confine themselves to economic demands and turn to political struggle, and also argued that their petitions and "any requests to the owners and superiors"were useless and even harmful to the clerks themselves .15 In the course of the movement of Moscow clerks, an illegal trade union of commercial and industrial employees, which was under the ideological influence of the Bolsheviks (initially it consisted of 300 people), was created by a secret order .16
Starting in the capitals, the movement spread to clerks in other Russian cities as well. The industrial workers of Saratov were among the first to protest against Bloody Sunday, and on January 12 they were joined by clerks; in February, new strikes of workers broke out in the city, which were supported by all the commercial employees. In Nizhny Novgorod, after the industrial workers in February and March, the clerks also went on strike; their large strike (about 5 thousand people) began here on March 28 and lasted 11 days. Where the Bolsheviks were at the head of the strikers, the clerks achieved a 10-hour working day, Sunday and holiday rest, and a 10% salary increase.
10 V. Bonch-Bruevich. The power of the proletariat. Vperyod Publ., 1905, No. 10.
11 "Leaflets of the Petersburg Bolsheviks", vol. I. L. 1939, p. 217.
12 "1905. Professional movement", Moscow, l. 1926, pp. 42-43.
13 "From the history of the professional movement of employees in St. Petersburg", p. 13.
14 "The Moscow December armed Uprising of 1905", M. 1940, p. 125; "1905 in Moscow", M. 1955, p. 46.
15 TsGAOR USSR, f. 518, op. 1, d. 59, l. 4.
16 V. Sheinman. Op. ed., p. 80.
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In the same cases, when the strikers limited themselves to requests, they did not achieve any tangible results 17 . In this regard, the Nizhny Novgorod Committee of the RSDLP wrote in its leaflet: "Let this serve as a lesson to each of us that in the struggle for our liberation we must rely only on our own strength, that only under the banner of the RSDLP will we go... to victory " 18 .
Back in February, the dissatisfaction of Samara clerks (there were more than 4 thousand of them in the city)began to be openly manifested19. On 14 March, they went on a general strike. However, the low level of consciousness, fluctuations in their ranks led to the fact that on the second day the clerks, in fact, capitulated to the owners, agreeing to a 12-hour working day. In February, clerks ' strikes took place in other cities: in Rostov-on-Don, in Tsaritsyn (where clerks and waiters of restaurants supported a powerful strike of metal workers); from February 7 to 12, 6 thousand clerks of Ekaterinoslav 20 went on strike; on February 18, clerks of Lugansk went on strike, who supported the workers of the Hartmann plant and together with them participated in the demonstration on the streets of the city 21; movement begins among the clerks of Kiev, Odessa, Kremenchug, in March-April - in Uman and Rivne. Clerks of the Belarusian cities of Minsk, Borisov, Pinsk, Grodno, Gomel and others rose up to fight, making demands mainly of an economic nature; during almost the whole of February, a political strike in Vilna, initiated by the local organization of the RSDLP, lasted; clerks also actively participated in it; in February - March, Dvinsk clerks went on strike together with industrial workers 22, In March, a general strike of Tiflis clerks was held, involving 15,000 people; the police violently cracked down on the strikers, and many were arrested .23
In general, the clerks ' strikes in January-March were largely spontaneous, and not all employees (especially in small and medium-sized shops) participated in the movement. The demands of the strikers were almost entirely economic in nature. However, the solidarity of the clerks of the national suburbs with the Russians, as well as their support for the struggle of the industrial workers, were a serious warning to tsarism and the bourgeoisie.
An increase in the mass character and organization of the strike struggle of clerks was revealed during the May strikes in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Yekaterinburg, Ivanovo-Voznesensk, Rostov-on-Don, in the Polish provinces, in the Ukraine, in Baku, and Turkestan. In Lodz, for example, the clerks got the owners to establish an 8-hour working day of 24 . When the general strike began in Ivanovo-Voznesensk on May 12, the clerks asked the striking workers to "remove" them from work and join the strike. Relying on the help of the workers, the clerks went on strike on the morning of May 13. At the workers ' meetings on the Talka River, they spoke about the cruel exploitation they had been subjected to since the beginning of the war.
17 Ibid., p. 79; A. Belin. Professional movement of trade employees in Russia, Moscow, 1906, p. 17.
18 "The revolutionary movement in N. Novgorod and the Nizhny Novgorod province in 1905-1907". Gorky, 1955, p. 167.
19 "Leaflets and proclamations of the Samara Committee of the RSDLP 1902-1917". Kuibyshev, 1959, p. 629, note 32.
20 V. Sheynman. Op. ed., p. 79.
21 K. E. Voroshilov. Stories about Life, Moscow, 1968, p. 170.
22 A. I. Gukovsky. The first Russian bourgeois-democratic Revolution of 1905-1907. Vologda. 1957, p. 89; J. P. Krastyn. The Revolution of 1905-1907 in Latvia. "The Revolution of 1905-1907 in the national regions of Russia", Moscow, 1955, p. 262.
23 "Vperyod", 1905, No. 18; A. Belin. Op. ed., p. 22.
24 "Proletarian", 1905, No. 3; A. I. Gukovsky. Op. ed., p. 111.
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home sides 25 . In Voronezh, the clerks established a Sunday rest without fail; if the owners refused to meet this requirement, the clerks closed the shops themselves. 26 Commercial employees of even small towns, towns, and towns were involved in the struggle. So, from May 12 to May 16, clerks of all commercial establishments in Yevpatoria 27 went on strike . On the Don, the newspaper Novaya Zhizn noted, "even the most provincial villages" began to move, for example, in the Alexandrovsko-Grushevsky district: 28 clerks went on strike here in the summer .
The speeches of the clerks aroused alarm among the bourgeoisie. Therefore, some city councils themselves began to limit the working day of clerks (in Orel, Astrakhan)29 and they began to appeal to the government to issue a law regulating the work of clerks. The tsarist government, for its part, sought to separate the commercial workers and employees, as well as all the urban democratic circles of the population, from the industrial proletariat and the Bolshevik Party. Based on these common goals of tsarism and the commercial bourgeoisie, and mainly under the pressure of the revolution and strikes, the Ministry of Finance prepared a draft law "On ensuring the normal rest of employees in commercial establishments, warehouses and offices." The bill established a 13-hour working day for employees of all types of trade, and for the staff of inns-15 hours. And this was suggested when, already during the first revolutionary wave of 1905, commercial employees in many cities, relying on the selfless struggle of industrial workers, won an 8-to 10-hour working day! For preliminary discussion of the draft law, an interdepartmental meeting was opened on May 31 with the participation of representatives of merchants and mutual aid societies for commercial employees. Protesting against the bill, 26 clerks participating in the meeting said that they refused to participate in it, "because they do not see any benefit from the official system that manages all the affairs of Russia."30 Most of the clerks, however, either still hesitated or continued to believe their employers and their government patrons.
The May Day and summer strikes of 1905 were the beginning of the second wave of the strike struggle of the working class and the democratic masses led by it against tsarism. Despite reprisals from the police, military units, and Black Hundreds, as well as the Government's attempt to calm the masses with the help of the Bulygin Duma, the revolution continued to develop in an ascending line. Throughout May and October, the Bolsheviks worked selflessly for the political education of the proletariat, the peasant masses, and the democratic circles of the urban population, drawing new strata of them into the revolutionary movement and calling on them to prepare for a general strike. The Bolsheviks ' agitation activity also increased among clerks, which resulted in an increase in the number of speeches made by Bolshevik speakers to commercial employees, in the publication of special leaflets by metropolitan and local party organizations, and in the publication in the party press of detailed information about the speeches of commercial employees.
By the autumn of 1905, the situation in the country was becoming increasingly tense, and the strike movement was gaining unprecedented momentum.
25 "The first in Russia". Ivanovo-Voznesensky Citywide Council of Workers ' Deputies of 1905 in documents and memoirs, Moscow, 1975, pp. 63-64.
26 I. V. Shaurov. 1905. Moscow, 1965, p. 88.
27 "Resolution of 1905-1907 in Ukraine". Vol. II, part I. Kiev, 1955, p. 265.
28 "Novaya Zhizn", 1905, No. 18.
29 "Bulletin of trade employees", 1914, N 6. p. 10.
30 TsGIA of the USSR, f. 1276, op. 2, d. 218, l. 81. The above phrase from the statement of 26 clerks - participants of the meeting was excluded from the published official text of the verbatim report of the meeting.
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Clerks also took an active part in the October All-Russian political strike. This strike was for them a school of political education and organization, and it helped to merge their struggle with the struggle of the industrial proletariat under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party. As Lenin emphasized, "a political strike awakens and stirs up the backward, generalizes and expands the movement, and raises it to a higher level." 31
On October 14, an emergency meeting of the St. Petersburg clerks decided to join the political strike (which began on October 12). In the resolution, along with economic demands, the assembly put forward a demand: "the immediate convocation of the Constituent Assembly... to establish the autocracy of the people, i.e., a democratic republic. " 32 The strike committee elected at the meeting set up special groups to monitor the progress of the strike in commercial enterprises and to seek to join the strike of those shops and shops where trade was still going on. The strike in the Alexandrovsky and Apraksin markets was most active, where a special fighting squad of clerks fought against strikebreakers; in the working-class suburbs, factory workers helped the clerks to close stores. . At mass political meetings in the premises of the St. Petersburg University, speeches against the autocracy were also delivered by clerks .34
The clerks ' speeches also took place in Moscow. Back in late September, following the strike of workers and commercial employees of Filippov's bakeries, strikes also began in other branches of trade. On October 12, at a meeting called by the Bolshevik city committee at the university, 6 thousand pharmacists of pharmacy stores were present; having adopted the minimum program of the RSDLP, they decided to declare a general strike from the next day; by October 13, workers of the state-owned commercial wine warehouse (2 thousand people) went on strike in the Rogozhsky district; 500 workers of the second wine warehouse who went on strike in the Butyrsky district they even called for an armed uprising against tsarism .35
On October 14, employees of bookstores and restaurants went on strike, and on October 16, employees of all commercial establishments in the city were already on strike. " Even the largest general store "Muir and Merilise" was closed, although here (as N. K. Goncharov, an employee of this department store and a member of the Bolshevik Party since 1904, later recalled) the mood of the mass of sellers "was typically philistine, philistine", but thanks to the active work of a group of revolutionary-minded department store sales employees-Konareva, Velsky, Bublikov, Brykov - "in such a philistine swamp... We managed to prepare and hold the October strike... simultaneously with the entire proletarian mass of Moscow. " 37 To disrupt the strike, the owners of Moscow shops decided to resort to strikebreaking, but the strikers, having gathered for a rally at the Mezhev Institute, decided to do everything to prevent this .38 The shopkeepers appealed to the Governor-General to protect them from the strikers, and they also hoped to create special armed detachments to prevent them from being attacked.
31 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 19, p. 399.
32 Cit. by: B. M. Knunyants. Selected works. Yerevan. 1958, p. 224.
33 V. M. Anufriev, P. I. Dorovatovsky, N. I. Rogankov. Edict op., p. 14; d. Antoshki N. Op. ed., p. 41.
34 "1905 and 1906 at St. Petersburg University", St. Petersburg, 1907, p. 68.
35 "The Bolsheviks at the head of the All-Russian political strike in October 1905." N. 1955, pp. 405, 406. 408.
36 "The Word of the Old Bolsheviks", Moscow, 1965, p. 45; "Essays on the history of the Moscow Organization of the CPSU", Moscow, 1966, p. 69.
37 N. K. Goncharov. On the work of the Bolshevik Party in the Butyrsky district in 1905. "Moscow Bolsheviks in the fire of revolutionary battles", Moscow, 1976, pp. 162, 164.
38 "Materials on the history of the revolution of 1905-1907", Moscow, 1967, p. 53.
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store closures. The police threatened to use weapons against the 39 strikers , but these threats were already powerless.
Clerks from many other cities of the country participated in the October strike. On October 8, a meeting of 900 clerks was held at the All-Orthodox Club in Nizhny Novgorod, where a representative of the RSDLP made a speech, calling on them to join the armed struggle against tsarism; after the meeting, the clerks collected money to buy weapons .40 On October 14, in Voronezh, a meeting of representatives of railway workers, factory workers, and commercial employees of a wine warehouse adopted a resolution demanding the convocation of a Constituent Assembly and the organization of the People's Militia in Voronezh .41 In Rostov-on-Don, as early as October 9, a particularly high mood was observed among the mass of workers, clerks and artisans, and a few days later most of the commercial establishments were on strike here .42 In Krasnoyarsk, under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, meetings of workers of the striking enterprises were held on October 13 and 14. After the meeting, the workers went around the shops and called on the clerks to join the strike. By 12 o'clock. On the afternoon of October 14, all the shops were closed, then the clerks together with the workers went to a rally in the People's House, where a representative of the pharmacy employees also spoke. The rally ended with mass cheers: "Long live the Republic!", " Long live socialism!"43. On October 14, railway workers in Irkutsk went on strike and adopted a resolution proposed by the Bolsheviks at their meeting. The clerks of all large and small commercial establishments joined the strike; they participated in a grand rally in the Public Assembly Hall. The press reported that the speeches and proposals of the Social-Democrats were covered with thunderclaps at the rally: the provisional revolutionary Government, the Constituent Assembly, the democratic republic, the armed insurrection .44
In the Ukraine, the strike in Ekaterinoslav was of great scope, where thousands of workers participated in rallies along with clerks who joined the strike on its second day-October 11. Together with the workers, the clerks collected money to buy weapons and built barricades in the streets of the city. "The situation in the whole province is very serious," the Ekaterinoslav governor reported to the Ministry of Internal Affairs on October 12 .45 On October 14, commercial employees of Kiev shops and pharmacies went on strike; many of them participated in a huge rally near the university 46 . In Kharkiv, on October 10, the clerks of all shops joined the striking workers and decided not to make economic demands, but to consider the strike purely political .47 In Odessa, the strike began on October 12, and on October 16 it became the first-
39 " The revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia. The Supreme Rise of the Revolution, Part I. M.-L. 1955, p. 562; Novaya Zhizn, 1905, No. 3; Bolsheviks at the Head of the All-Russian Political Strike in October 1905, p. 418.
40 "The revolutionary movement in N. Novgorod and the Nizhny Novgorod province in 1905-1907", p. 560.
41 "The Revolutionary movement in the Voronezh Province in 1905-1907". Voronezh. 1955, p. 204.
42 "The Bolsheviks at the head of the first Russian Revolution of 1905-1907", Moscow, 1956, p. 217; "1905 in Rostov-on-Don". Rostov-Krasnodar. 1926, p. 43.
43 "The Bolsheviks at the head of the All-Russian Political Strike in October 1905," pp. 561-562.
44 "Struggle", 1905, N 7.
45 "The Revolution of 1905-1907 in Ukraine". Vol. II, part 1, p. 395.
46 "History of Kiev", Vol. I. Kiev, 1963, p. 520.
47 "The Revolution of 1905-1907 in Ukraine". Vol. II, part I, p. 435. This fact is remarkable for the characterization of the growing consciousness of Kharkiv clerks: in the summer of 1905, the following year was marked. they also appealed to the authorities, asking them only for economic concessions (TSAOR USSR, f. 518, op. 1, d. 59, l. 10).
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workers, clerks and students gathered for meetings at the university; on the same day, 11 barricades were built in the city, in the construction of which the clerks also took part .48
In Tiflis, the October strike was held " very amicably. At the first call of the RSDLP committee, it embraced... commercial and industrial establishments", and from October 15 in the city "all life froze"; from October 18 to October 22, a general strike of Sukhumi clerks took place, who, together with striking workers, gathered on the embankment and listened to political speeches .49 From October 14 to 21, the Vilna proletariat, including all the clerks, went on strike; the strikers gathered for general meetings, where calls for armed insurrection were distributed and revolutionary leaflets were distributed .50 In Belarus, the strike was particularly organized, with the participation of commercial employees, although some of them still believed in the petty-bourgeois and nationalist parties, which distracted them from the class struggle .51 Clerks in a number of Turkestan cities joined the strike of railway workers of the Orenburg-Tashkent Railway and participated in raising money for the needs of agitation and for the purchase of weapons .52
Starting in the capital, the October general political strike "rocked" all the major shopping centers, where the bulk of trade workers and employees were concentrated, in just four to five days. In many cities, the strike continued even after the publication of the manifesto on October 17, the true purpose of which was explained by the Bolsheviks (who had now come out of hiding) at meetings, meetings, in their press, and when visiting the clerks ' trade unions that had sprung up in secret.
Shortly after his return from exile, in the second half of November, Lenin delivered a report at a meeting organized by the St. Petersburg trade union of clerks in connection with the lockouts. He urged his listeners to arm themselves and prepare for an uprising. Lenin was closely associated with this trade union in the future, repeatedly meeting with its activists .53 The Bolsheviks N. N. Kuzmin, N. V. Krylenko, and others made speeches at meetings held by St. Petersburg clerks in the premises of institutes. 54 Prominent Bolsheviks I. I. Skvortsov-Stepanov, M. N. Lyadov, and Z. Ya. Litvin - Sedoy took an active part in the work of the Moscow clerk's trade unions. One of the organizers and leaders of the Moscow waiters ' trade union was V. P. Nogin55 . Recalling his speeches in October and November 1905, Lyadov wrote that "it was especially difficult to hold meetings among clerks, of whom there were very many in Moscow," but "in the end, they also succumbed to organization. Meetings of individual sections when-
48 "New Life", 1905, N 3; "History of the Ukrainian SSR", Vol. I. Kiev, 1956, p. 666; I. V. Spiridonov. All-Russian Political strike in October 1905, Moscow, 1955, p. 119.
49 "New life", 1905, N 7; "The Revolution of 1905-1907 in Georgia". Tbilisi. 1956. pp. 379, 403.
50 p. P. Girdziyausken. The Revolution of 1905-1907 in Lithuania. "The Revolution of 1905-1907 in the national regions of Russia", p. 333.
51 A. I. Voronova, E. P. Lukyanov. The Revolution of 1905-1907 in Belarus. Ibid., p. 181.
52 A. V. Pyaskovsky. The revolution of 1905-1907 in Turkestan. Ibid., pp. 595, 597.
53 "Lenin in Petersburg", L. 1957, p. 80; R. G. Ramazov. Trade unions of St. Petersburg in the context of the rise of the First Russian Revolution. "From the History of three Russian Revolutions", L. 1976, p. 61. During the elections to the Second State Duma in St. Petersburg, Lenin was also included in the list of electors from clerks ("From the history of the professional movement of employees in St. Petersburg", pp. 97-98).
54 "From the history of the professional movement of employees in St. Petersburg", pp. 14, 52.
55 V. M. Anufriev, P. I. Dorovatovsky, and N. I. Rogankov. Op. ed., p. 22.
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The meetings of the Cossack union were held with the same revolutionary enthusiasm as the workers 'meetings." 56
Y. M. Sverdlov repeatedly spoke at meetings of clerks in Nizhny Novgorod and Yekaterinburg. Thus, at a meeting in Yekaterinburg on November 6, 1905, his call to disbelieve the tsarist manifesto and boycott the State Duma was met with applause and shouts of "bravo"from the clerks57 . The Bolshevik committee of the first urban district of Kazan created a special sub-committee to work among clerks; in Samara, the same work was carried out by a dedicated circle of propagandists .58 At the meetings of the Ekaterinoslav society of clerks (consisting of 800 people), the Bolshevik worker B. A. Breslav spoke 59 . The Federal Council of Kharkov Committees of the RSDLP 60 did a great deal of work among commercial employees .
The various activities of the Bolshevik Party among commercial employees, and the experience gained by the latter during the revolutionary months of January to October 1905, helped the advanced layers of clerks to understand the falsity of the manifesto of October 17. Thus, the general meeting of members of the Moscow trade union of commercial and industrial employees, held on November 10, adopted a Bolshevik resolution that noted "a deep contradiction between the promises made in the manifesto of October 17 and the subsequent measures and actions of the government that violate the guarantees of freedom and inviolability of the individual"; the meeting strongly protested against the death penalty, militaryfield trials, Black-hundred pogroms, the introduction of martial law in Poland, etc. 61 .
After October 17, previously created trade unions of clerks were legalized and new ones began to appear in large numbers. The trade unions led by the Mensheviks were based on a narrow-shop principle, limited their tasks to economic goals, applied to various government agencies and city dumas; there was a lot of spontaneity in the activities of these unions, political and educational work was poorly carried out, and they were oriented towards a bloc with the liberal bourgeoisie. The trade unions, which were led by the Bolsheviks, acted actively and aggressively; they combined the economic struggle with the political one, and urged the clerks not to believe the promises of entrepreneurs, liberals, and the government. The Bolsheviks sought to overcome the narrow-shop character of the formation of trade unions and opposed the Menshevik theory of their "neutrality" in the political struggle.
The tasks put forward by the Bolsheviks were supported by commercial employees. This can be seen in the example of the St. Petersburg trade union of clerks, which united more than 2 thousand people. Initially, this trade union was headed by Mensheviks and pursued a conciliatory policy towards entrepreneurs, as a result of which it was unable to achieve a real improvement in the situation of clerks. This caused dissatisfaction among the members of the union, and they actively supported the proposal of a group of Bolshevik clerks to re-elect the council (board). At the meeting on November 20, a new council was elected.
56 M. Lyadov. From the Life of the Party, Moscow, 1956, p. 110.
57 Ya. M. Sverdlov. Selected Works, Vol. I. Moscow, 1957, p. 15.
58 V. Kirillov. Bolsheviks at the head of mass political strikes during the Rise of the 1905 - 1907 Revolution, Moscow, 1961, p. 220; "The 1905 - 1907 Revolution in the City of Samara and the Samara Province". Kuibyshev, 1955, p. 129.
59 "V. I. Lenin and the Ekaterinoslav Bolshevik organization". Dnepropetrovsk, 1962, pp. 104, 106 and 190 (note 65).
60 "Kharkiv and Kharkiv province in the first Russian Revolution of 1905-1907". Kharkiv, 1955, p. 249.
61 Novaya Zhizn Publ., 1905, No. 10.
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It included many Bolsheviks (A. M. Prozorov, A. A. Ilyin, I. S. Berlin, F. A. Maksimov, V. F. Pirozhkov, and others), who began to play a leading role in the trade union62 . The new management waged a determined struggle for Sunday and holiday holidays, forcing the owners of many shops in the Rozhdestvensky, Liteyny and Alexandrovsky districts to capitulate. November 30 was the first Sunday of rest for all clerks of the city. By the end of the year, there were 44 trade unions in St. Petersburg, including 6 for workers and employees of commercial establishments; in these unions of clerks, the Bolsheviks had to fight especially hard against the opportunist tactics of the Mensheviks, since the influence of the latter on the trade union movement of the Petersburg clerks in 1905 was significant.
Mass creation of trade unions after the October strike also took place in Moscow: by the end of the year, there were more than 50 trade unions, including 8 trade workers and employees. Clerks ' unions were built along the guild line, and therefore some of them were small; some unions were created and initially were under the influence of the Mensheviks (for example, the union of trade Workers and employees).- industrial employees "In unity-strength"), and the "Union of Hired Workers of Trade and Industry" (not numerous in its composition). he even supported the liberals-Osvobozhdeniye platform. The Bolsheviks persistently agitated against the Menshevik-Cadet influence in such unions and succeeded in getting the union "In Unity - Strength" and the "Union of Employees of the Food Trade" to base their activities on the minimum program of the RSDLP .63 In November, at the initiative of the Bolsheviks, the "Union of Hired Book Workers" was created, which actively participated in strikes, in particular in the struggle for freedom of the press. In other cities, organizations of commercial employees were also influenced by the Bolsheviks: trade unions of clerks in Simbirsk, Tiflis, Saratov (the latter consisted of more than 100 people), the "Organization of the Merchant Proletariat of Kharkov" created in November (numbering more than 500 people), clerks ' circles in Kiev maintained links with the RSDLP committee 64 .
Along with the creation of trade unions, the Soviets of Workers ' Deputies were a remarkable achievement of the working class in 1905. In St. Petersburg, 11 clerks were also elected to the Council (I. A. Agafonov, I. S. Berlin, A.M. Prozorov, V. Sergeeva, Ermolaev, etc.), and two deputies from the trade union of clerks were included in the executive committee of the Council. 65 The Moscow Soviet of Workers ' Deputies (which, unlike the St. Petersburg One, was Bolshevik from the beginning of its existence) decided at the first plenum to admit representatives of trade unions of commercial employees to its membership, but clerks were asked to elect their deputies in the presence of a member of the executive committee of the Council and to comply with the decisions of the Council of Ministers . Such a measure was necessary to prevent the Mensheviks from influencing the militant and revolutionary activities of the Soviet, since among the clerks in Moscow (as in other cities) there were still quite a few people who did not understand the opportunist character of Menshevism and its desire to make a deal with the liberal bourgeoisie.
62 "New Life", 1905, N 17; V. M. Anufriev, P. I. Dorovatovsky, N. I. Rogankov. Edict op., p. 14; "1905. Professional movement", p. 43.
63 "1905. Professional movement", pp. 50-51, 377.
64 V. Kirillov. Op. ed., p. 301; "-1905 year". Moscow-Kuibyshev, 1935, p. 76; "Revolution of 1905-1907 in Samara and the Samara province", p. 130; " Professional movement of employees of Ukraine (1905-1907)", p. 17-18, 104.
65 V. M. Anufriev, P. I. Dorovatovsky, and N. I. Rogankov. Edict op., p. 13; B. M. Knunyants. Op. ed., p. 220; L. F. Petrova. St. Petersburg Soviet of Workers ' Deputies in 1905, Voprosy Istorii, 1955, No. 11, p. 27.
66 G. Kostomarov. The Moscow Soviet in 1905, Moscow, 1955, p. 78.
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Representatives of trade workers and employees joined the Councils in other cities: Rostov-on-Don, Samara, Yekaterinoslav, Yekaterinburg, Kostroma, Novorossiysk, Odessa, and Voronezh .67 The Soviets were attentive to the requests and needs of clerks, protected their interests, and therefore enjoyed great authority among them .68 The work of clerks in the Soviets testified to the intensification of their participation in the revolutionary movement under the leadership of the industrial proletariat, and to the growth of the political consciousness of the advanced strata of commercial employees.
Among the Soviets created by the revolutionary proletariat, the leading role was played by the Bolshevik-led Moscow Soviet, which took a firm course towards armed insurrection. In the course of its preparation, the political work of the Bolsheviks among the working masses, including clerks, was intensified. On October 27, the Central Committee of the RSDLP, in a letter to all party workers, proposed to repel the Black-Hundred pogromists (among whom were the most backward, reactionary elements among the clerks, for example, employees of the Moscow Okhotnoryadsky and Sukharevsky meat and fish stores) and at the same time called for "strengthening agitation" among the dark mass of the Black Hundreds .69 In pursuance of this directive, the Moscow Committee of Bolsheviks, in its leaflet (issued in November), wrote about these backward strata: "Their place is not among the gangs of robbers, but in our ranks, in the ranks of consciously fighting for the freedom and happiness of the working people. Let us call them to us... let them listen to our free word, and they will know who their true enemy is. " 70 For this purpose, the Bolshevik committee sent the most experienced speakers, such as Z. Ya .Litvin-Sedoy, to the clerks of Okhotny Ryad and Sukharevka. 71
The growing consciousness of clerks after the October All-Russian Strike is evidenced by their growing attraction to the Bolsheviks, the entry of the most advanced commercial employees into the ranks of the Bolshevik Party, the organization of party groups in a number of clerk's trade unions and the Bolshevization of the latter, and their promotion of general Proletarian political demands.
On October 28, a meeting of the organizing bureau of the St. Petersburg Bolshevik clerks was held, dedicated to the creation of a party organization, the main tasks of which were to: attract all clerks to the trade union; unite Bolshevik clerks in order to "unite the party in general and allow it to have a greater influence on the activities of the trade union of clerks in particular."72 On November 25, the party assembly elected the organization's secretariat and outlined measures to attract new clerks to the party, in order to rally firmly around the party and" use personal energy and courage to contribute to the final success " of the revolution .73 November 6 meeting of 2 thousand St. Petersburg orders-
67 "1905 in Rostov-on-Don", p. 46; G. M. Kramarov. Armed uprising in Rostov-on-Don. "Great unforgettable days", Moscow, 1972, p. 176; "The Revolution of 1905-1907 in the city of Samara and the Samara province", p. 277; G. I. Petrovsky. The first battles of Ekaterinoslav workers. "The First Russian...", Moscow, 1975, p. 162; V. I. Nevsky. Novorossiysk Republic. Proletarian Revolution, 1923, No. 11 (23), pp. 27, 199; N. N. Demochkin. Soviets of 1905 - organs of revolutionary power. Moscow, 1963, pp. 80, 66; his. The Party and Soviets in 1905, Voprosy Istorii CPSU, 1965, No. 1, pp. 73, 76.
68 G. I. Petrovsky. Op. ed., p. 163.
69 "The Bolsheviks at the head of the All-Russian Political Strike in October 1905," p. 167.
70 Cit. by: "The revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia. The highest rise of the Revolution. " Part 1, p. 563.
71 Z. Y. Litvin-Sedoy. Presnya in 1905. "Great Unforgettable Days", p. 217.
72 "New Life", 1905, N 4.
73 "New Life", 1905, N 25.
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The CC adopted a resolution noting that until recently they had suffered "from their lack of organization, lack of solidarity and economic oppression... Now, however, we are determined to march hand in hand under the banner of the RSDLP to achieve... socialism - people's happiness, freedom, equality and fraternity " 74 . At one of the meetings, the council of the clerks ' trade union decided not to allow representatives of such reactionary newspapers as Novoe Vremya, Slovo, and others to attend its meetings .75
On November 10, the general meeting of members of the Moscow Trade Union of commercial and Industrial employees, discussing the union's work program, adopted a resolution in which it decided to follow the instructions of the RSDLP, and also agreed with the assessment given to the Cadet party by the Federal Council of the RSDLP. The Bolshevik-led Union of Book Trade Workers actively fought for freedom of the press and other political freedoms, as well as against the distribution of anti-revolutionary literature .76 The Union of Commercial Employees of Music Stores decided to be guided in its activities by the ideas of the RSDLP. The trade union of pharmacy store employees (pharmacists) was also headed by the Bolsheviks. All these unions provided all possible material assistance not only to the striking clerks, but also to the factory workers of Moscow and St. Petersburg, the arrested participants in the uprising on the battleship Potemkin, the Moscow Committee of Bolsheviks, and the Soviet of Workers ' Deputies for the purchase of weapons .77
A significant group consisted of clerks in the Voronezh organization of the RSDLP. Although at first some of them were under the influence of the Mensheviks, later on " life forced them to follow a different path, they willingly obeyed... to the Bolshevik leadership " 78 . In Lodz, a representative of the local committee of the Social Democratic Party 79 was elected to the board of the trade union of trade employees . In Nizhny Novgorod, there was a social-democratic party circle among clerks; the Bolshevik newspaper Proletarii noted that the organization of clerks in this city was one of the "strongest organizations" 80 . Clerks were also part of Bolshevik organizations in Azerbaijan (for example, in Shusha there were four party circles, of which the clerks were also members 81).
But there were still very few Bolshevik organizations among the clerks, and they were not numerous. Therefore, the Bolshevik party, along with attracting new members to its ranks, tried to contact the broad masses of trade employees through trade unions, the legal Bolshevik press, clubs, clerks ' magazines (which began to appear somewhat later - in 1906), as well as through meetings, meetings, demonstrations. Following Lenin's instructions for careful, tactful, and comradely treatment of those strata of the proletariat who still lacked or had a weakly developed revolutionary worldview, 82 the Bolsheviks worked patiently and persistently for the political education of the counter proletarians.
74 "New Life", 1905, N 11.
75 "New Life", 1905, N 20.
76 P. Kabanov. The labor and Trade union movement in Moscow in 1905-1907, Moscow, 1955, p. 4. 21; N. N. Yakovlev. Armed uprisings in December 1905, Moscow, 1957, pp. 98, 100.
77 "Struggle", 1905, NN 1, 3, 4.
78 I. V. Shaurov. Op. ed., p. 87.
79 M. Rosen. Essays on the situation of the Commercial and Industrial Proletariat in Russia, St. Petersburg, 1907, p. 53.
80 "Proletarian", 1905, NN 12, 20.
81 "Essays on the history of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan". Baku, 1963, p. 86.
82 See V. I. Lenin, PSS. Vol. 10, p. 289.
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As you know, the December armed uprising in Moscow directly grew out of the political strike that began in early December. Together with the factory workers, commercial employees participated in this strike. On December 1, clerks of metal goods stores and stores selling icons went on strike. "The mood is cheerful, elated, in the form of confidence that sympathy... on the side of the employees," Borba wrote about this strike; then came the clerks of the manufactory stores, then the workers of the wine warehouses NN 1 and 3; clerks walked along Tverskaya and other streets of Moscow, calling for a strike of comrades from the still open stores 83 . On December 7, in the afternoon, trade stopped almost everywhere; on the same day, a series of large meetings were held, at which the clerks decided to support the political strike of the workers and, as the resolutions of the meetings say, "completely obey the Soviet of Workers' Deputies." Only thanks to reinforced police units did some shops in the Upper Shopping Streets, on Ilyinka and Nikolskaya Streets continue to trade; here, strikers clashed with the police, who used weapons .84
Clerks created fighting squads. Thus, employees of dairy stores organized a squad of 200 people 85 ; the trade union of pharmacy employees-pharmacists 86 also formed its own squad . When the strike turned into an armed uprising, clerks joined in the construction of the barricades; directly on the barricades fought a trade employee of the firm "Muir and Merilise" Bolshevik N. K. Goncharov, who was a scout at the headquarters of combat squads .87 "Never before," wrote Izvestia of the Moscow Soviet of Workers 'Deputies," has the Moscow proletariat come forward with such unity, such a formidable and powerful army. " 88 In this respect, the confession of the ardent reactionary N. V. Nasakin - Simbirsky is significant. A witness to the uprising, he noted not only the high activity of the clerks and their support for the armed uprising, but also the fact that the merchants were subject to the supervision of their own employees; in addition, he recognized that by December 1905, thanks to the activities of the Bolsheviks, the consciousness of even the most backward clerks in Moscow - okhotnoryadtsev-had grown .89
During the armed uprising, special groups of factory workers and clerks monitored the implementation of the decree of the Soviet of Workers ' Deputies on the order of trade, stopping attempts by the owners to close food stores on the outskirts in order to provoke public discontent against the striking workers. 90 On December 12, some stores began to open, but retail premises in Kitay-Gorod, on Ilyinka, Varvarka and in podvorye, that is, major shopping centers in Moscow, were closed 91 . And only after that,
83 "Struggle", 1905, N 4; "New Life", 1905, N 27; S. I. Chernomordik. December armed Uprising in 1905 "Historical Notes", 1946, vol. 18, p. 23; "Moscow in December 1905", Moscow, 1906, p. 25.
84 " The Revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia. The highest rise of the Revolution", Part 1, pp. 693, 695; "Moscow in December 1905", p. 30.
85 S. I. Chernomordik. The December 1905 armed Uprising and the Moscow Soviet of Workers ' Deputies. Voprosy Istorii, 1946, No. 1, p. 31.
86 "1905 in Moscow", p. 125.
87 "Bolsheviks at the head of the All-Russian political Strike in October 1905", pp. 794-795; "Moscow Bolsheviks in the fire of revolutionary battles", pp. 164.
88 Cit. by: N. N. Demochkin. Soviets of 1905-organs of revolutionary power, p. 103.
89 I. V. Nasakin-Simbirsky. Essays on the Moscow Revolution, St. Petersburg, 1906, p. 29.
90 "History of Moscow", Vol. V. Moscow, 1955, p. 169.
91 " The Revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia. The highest rise of the Revolution. " Part I, p. 702.
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As soon as the Moscow Soviet of Workers ' Deputies decided to end the uprising in an organized manner, trade was completely restored.
Clerks also participated in the December political strike of factory workers in St. Petersburg, Nizhny Novgorod, Perm and other large cities. Supporting the workers of Moscow, on December 9 the Council of Workers ' Deputies of Rostov-on-Don decided to declare a general strike; to this resolution all the clerks "obeyed voluntarily."92 When the strike escalated into an armed uprising on the outskirts of the city of Temernik, the clerks of the gun shops began to help the workers purchase weapons .93 In Novorossiysk in November, agitation for a strike of port workers began, which was prepared on the initiative of the Bolsheviks. They were actively assisted by members of the Soviet of Workers ' Deputies, including clerks Sabelnikov and Solovyov. At the beginning of December, a general political strike of solidarity with the striking workers of Rostov-on-Don was declared in the city; all the clerks took part in it .94
In Ukraine, the main area of the armed uprising was the Ekaterinoslav province. On December 8, a general political strike was declared in Yekaterinoslav, which turned into an uprising. The combat strike committee that led the strike decided to close all commercial establishments, except for food and pharmacy stores, and also forbade the owners of these non-closed establishments to raise prices for goods. When the merchants tried to violate this decree and thus disrupt the general strike, their actions were decisively stopped .95 The police, trying to turn the population against the rebels, began to provoke bakers and clerks of bakery stores to close the latter. However, with the help of the employees of these stores, the strike committee managed to thwart a provocative raid by the police .96
Assessing the significance of the events in Russia after the October All-Russian Strike, V. I. Lenin emphasized that October-December 1905 was "the epoch of the greatest upsurge in our revolution." "The heroic proletariat of Moscow," he wrote, "showed the possibility of an active struggle and drew into it a mass of such strata of the urban population who had hitherto been considered politically indifferent." 97 However, the Bolshevik party understood that "among the backward strata of the urban proletariat... there is still a lot of work to be done. " 98 Therefore, in the future, while consolidating its influence among the advanced, organized section of the trade employees, it directed its efforts to separate the rest of their strata from the Mensheviks, the Cadets, who were sowing constitutional illusions about the possibility of meeting the fundamental needs of the working people with the help of the Duma.
The speeches of the trade officials of the main centers of Russia in 1905 show that the factory proletariat by its " resolute actions, selfless heroism and selflessness... he roused the broad masses of the working people to fight against the autocracy... and the bourgeoisie " 99 . Drawn into this struggle, the trade clerks - a politically underdeveloped group of wage - earners-were taught the first lessons of the revolutionary movement.
92 Ibid., Part 2, Moscow, 1955, p. 465.
93 "1905 in Rostov-on-Don", p. 59.
94 V. I. Nevsky. Op. ed., pp. 22-23, 26.
95 N. P. Yakovlev. Op. ed., p. 297; N. R. Doniy. Armed uprising in Ukraine in December 1905 "50 years of the first Russian Revolution", Moscow, 1956, pp. 91-92.
96 " The Revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia. The highest rise of the Revolution. " Part 2, p. 509.
97 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 15, p. 337; vol. 12, p. 151.
98 In I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 12, p. 33.
99 Resolution of the PC CPSU "On the 70th anniversary of the revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia". "Kommunist", 1975, N 2, p. 4.
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