The article discusses the place and role of government migration policy in the processes of late Imperial Russification in the North Caucasus. During the penetration of the Russian Empire into the region, administrative and legal actions were closely intertwined with measures to colonize the local territories, which resulted not only in the economic development of the region, but also in a change in its socio-demographic background. The official measures taken to regulate migration flows to the Terek and Kuban regions were aimed at solving the primary state task - strengthening the Russian component in the population of the region in order to bring it closer to the rest of the state. The new settlers from Central Russia brought with them a powerful cultural and educational potential, which had a significant impact on the socio-economic development of the North Caucasus. At the same time, the special attention of the government and local administration to Russian immigrants, combined with a vague resettlement policy, aggravated the already acute land issue for the local population, which had already turned into a problem by the beginning of the XX century. an independent source of conflicts.

Keywords: Russian Empire, North Caucasus, migration policy, colonization, Russification, Terek region, land issue.

THE RUSSIA'S RESETTLEMENT POLICY IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS AS THE MEANS FOR "CONSOLIDATION OF THE RUSSIAN CULTURE AND CITIZENSHIP"

The article discusses the role and place of the governmental resettlement policy in the processes of the late imperial Russification of the North Caucasus. During the Russian empire's penetration into the North Caucasus the administrative and legal actions of the Russian government were closely interwoven with colonization of this areas, which resulted in not only economic developments of the region, but changes of its social-demographic background. The official measures taken to regulate migration flows in the Terek and Kuban areas, were aimed at solving the major state task - consolidation of the Russian component in the local populations for their cultural convergence with other parts of the empire. New settlers from the Central Russia carried a powerful cultural potential which had a significant influence on social-economic development of the region. However, the government's and local administration's attention to the Russian immigrants along

Elena Isaakovna KOBAKHIDZE-Doctor of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor, Leading Researcher at the V. I. Abayev North Ossetian Institute of Humanities and Social Research; e-mail: elena_k11@mail.ru.

Elena KOBAKHIDZE Doctor of Sciences (in History), Assistant Professor, Leading Research Fellow, Vasily Abaev North Osetian Institute for Humanitarian and Social Studies, Vladikavkaz, elena_k11@mail.ru.

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with indecisive resettlement policy exacerbated the land issue, which always distinguished with particular acuteness for Mountaineers and eventually turned into a separate conflict factor.

Keywords: Russian Empire, North Caucasus, resettlement policy, colonization, Russification, Terek Area, entrants ("inogorodnie"), temporary residents ("vremennoprozhivayuschie"), land issue.

In the active government policy of "Russification" of the Caucasian outskirts, administrative and legal actions during the entire period of the Russian Empire's penetration into the region were closely intertwined with measures for the colonization of local territories, which resulted not only in the economic development of local land by migrants, but also in a change in its socio-demographic background. With the construction of the fortified line, the government of Catherine 11 became directly interested in colonizing the Caucasus with the Russian population, which was supposed to serve as "a sufficient basis for the future civil development" of the region [Potto, 1912, II, p.148]. The widespread colonization of the region encouraged by the Government [RGIA, f. 379. op. 1, d. 162, l. 7] led to the appearance of the Russian population here, following the Cossacks, who migrated from Central Russia [Potto, 1912, II, p. 147]; the Russian noble elite received new estates; Tersk, Grebensk, and then Kuban Cossack troops" as service classes". already an "advanced outpost" on the southern Russian borders [Potto, 1912, I, p. 22; II, p. 147]. In approximately 20 years (from 1785 to 1804), 160,000 dessiatines of fertile Ciscaucasian land were distributed to landlords from the central Russian provinces (Fadeev, 1957, p. 33).

Although the first wave of colonization of the North Caucasus by the Russian serf peasantry did not lead to demographic and economic changes (large estates went bankrupt, and most of the settlers returned), the state, by launching the internal colonization mechanism, clearly indicated the desire to gain a foothold on the remote outskirts, including its territory in the internal Russian borders both administratively and socioculturally. And while the former could have been carried out in the course of official government activities based on the appropriate legislative and legal framework (i.e., through colonization itself, which is primarily based on the political interests of the state), the latter required not only other approaches, but also time (in late Imperial language, this process was called "Russification").. The concept of "colonization "was often confused with the concept of" resettlement", although each of these terms had its own social meaning. Resettlement took place due to the population's own migration potential, which thus sought to solve its private problems; colonization was largely associated with artificial regulation of migration flows in order to retain the conquered territories and expand the state space. However, military and political tasks on the outskirts of the empire and the eviction of small-scale peasants from European Russia in order to settle "marginal wastelands" led to the fact that" colonization intertwined with resettlement " [Remnev and Suvorova, 2008, p.133].

In the pre-reform period, the general flow of colonists was noticeably dominated by the military-Cossack class, who settled on the flat lands of the Ciscaucasia (see, for example, the Regulation of the Committee of Ministers "On the allocation of land to Cossacks settled on the Caucasian line" of December 11, 1823 [PSZ-I, XXXVIII, pp. 1301-1307]). However, despite the traditional preference for Cossack resettlement ,the" Regulation on the settlement of the foothills of the western part of the Caucasian Ridge by Kuban Cossacks and other immigrants from Russia", adopted on May 10, 1862 [PSZ-II, XXXVII, ed. 1, p. 406-425], the government opened the way for the settlement of the territory (although so far only

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one of the sub-regions of the Caucasus) by state farmers. A new law of April 29, 1868, giving "Russian subjects of the non-military class" the right "to participate in all Cossack troops without exception... to acquire the ownership of existing houses and all kinds of structures on military, urban and village lands, on a common basis, without asking for the consent of either the military authorities or the city or village society "[PSZ-II, XLIII, ed. 1, pp. 473-474], opened a wide road for the peasant resettlement movement. From the end of the 1860s, the military-Cossack colonization of the North Caucasus began to combine with peasant colonization, which was greatly facilitated by the state policy aimed at the earliest settlement of the region by the "Russian element" after the end of the Caucasian War.

In addition, the implementation of the peasant reform in 1861 opened up prospects for the peasants freed from serfdom for their land structure. The supposed "Russifying" potential of immigrants from the Russian hinterland was supposed not only to strengthen the Russian component in the population of the region, but also, as the administration believed, to have an "important moral impact" on local residents. Accordingly, the laws and regulations on the resettlement of Russian settlers from the central provinces of the country to the Caucasus, adopted already in the 1880s and 1890s, were intended to "strengthen" the Russian population of the region.

The official approval of peasant colonization affected its pace, and during the 1860s the number of nonresidents (i.e., persons who did not belong to the Cossack class and lived on military territory) in the Kuban region increased fourfold, amounting to 5.2% of its population [Ismail-Zade, 1977, p. 327].

After the military estates, it was the Russian peasantry (in addition to the mountain population of the Terek region), who moved to the region from the interior of the country, that took the first place in terms of number. According to data from 1873, the percentage of the Russian population in relation to the entire population of the Ciscaucasia (North Caucasus) was 68.6, and in the Kuban region and Stavropol province, Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians accounted for 86.9% and 77.4%, respectively [ibid.]. In general, during the" golden years " in the history of agricultural colonization of the North Caucasus in the 1870s (see [Kabuzan, 1996, p. 93]), when the region became the leading populated region of Russia, its population increased rapidly: during this period, almost 350 thousand migrants arrived here in general [ibid., p. 96]. Already by 1876, the population of the region (due to mechanical growth) reached the level of 1858, which preceded the mass outflow of the Muslim part of the region's inhabitants to Turkey [ibid.].

In the first half of the 1870s, about 80 thousand people settled in the Stavropol Province, 70 thousand in the Terek Region, and 175.4 thousand in the Kuban region. As a result of migration flows from the central regions of Russia and the nearest regions (Novorossiya, Left-bank Ukraine), the share of the Russian and Ukrainian population in the total population of the North Caucasus region increased: the share of Russians in the 1870s and 1890s increased from 30.5% to 36.9%, and that of Ukrainians-from 23.3% to 29.4% [ibid., p. 100].

According to the data of the Caucasian Statistical Committee, only in the Terek region in 1876 the population was 530,980 people, and by 1882 it had already increased to 606,503 people. For the Kuban region, which at that time was the most populous region in Russia, the positive dynamics of the population was even more pronounced: 831,740 people - in 1876, and 1 084 531 people - in 1882.1 At the same time, the data obtained by the committee were even considered underestimated in comparison with reality [Numeritel'nost ' populatsii..., 1884-1885, p. 99]. In his most important note, the commander-in-Chief of the civil service in the Caucasus, S. A. Sheremetev, not without pride stated that the success of his predecessors in the field of civil service

1 At the same time, the indicators of mechanical population growth significantly outstripped the figures of natural population growth (see Tables 57-61 in Kabuzan, 1996, pp. 192-197).

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the authorities of the region, who followed "the highest predestinations in relation to this suburb - in establishing its complete merger with the rest of our vast Fatherland", were so significant that most of the North Caucasus began to differ little from many indigenous parts of the empire due to the "predominance of the Russian nationality" and "the relatively significant spread of the Russian language among the tribes inhabiting the Kavkaz " [TSGIAG, f. 12, op. 1., book 2, d. 3132, l. 1-1ob.].

The average population density in the Terek region was also quite high - 563.97 people per 1 sq. mile, or 9.9 inhabitants per 1 sq. km [Numerator of population..., 1884-1885, pp. 105-106]. But although the representatives of the statistical committee considered these figures not so high in comparison with European Russia, the features of the terrain and the lack of land suitable for agricultural needs, especially in the mountainous zone, made these indicators quite eloquent. Moreover, as the Minister of Internal Affairs I. L. Goremykin testified in 1897, " familiarization with the data on the stock of state-owned lands available in the Caucasus leaves no doubt that the provinces of the Caucasus do not represent conditions that would allow us to count on the widespread development of Russian colonization in them, because not only the comparative insignificance of the lands located here,but also the but the properties of the latter also eliminate assumptions about the direction of increased migration movement here" [TSGIAG, f. 12, op. 3, d. 1, l. 1-1ob.].

Nevertheless, the issue of "strengthening the Russian population in the Caucasus" was put forward as a number of priority state tasks, and its settlement by "Russian people" was declared "very desirable from the point of view of the general interests of the state" [ibid., l. 1, 2ob.]. The Ministry of Internal Affairs considered that the goal set by the government was to achieve this goal.

"it comes down not to opening the Caucasus for resettlement, but to settling only within the limits of the possibility of its free lands by Russian people. The present situation of the Caucasus, showing, on the one hand, insufficient population density for such a richly gifted region by nature, and on the other - the predominance of exclusively non-native, and sometimes even poorly reliable, population... it can't be considered normal. At the same time, there is no doubt that a change in this situation is possible and desirable only by attracting the indigenous Russian population to the region, which alone can contribute to the development of this suburb in the direction of cultural rapprochement with the rest of the empire... Under such conditions... no matter how limited the reserve of free land existing in the Caucasus may be, it should be expediently used for the establishment of the Russian population" [ibid., l. 1ob.].

It was strongly recommended that the local administration, headed by Prince G. S. Golitsyn, the commander-in-chief of the civil unit in the Caucasus, deal with the problems associated with the resettlement of Russian peasants to the Caucasus.

The increased migration movement to the North Caucasus, in particular to the Terek region, by the end of the century, led to the fact that the arriving peasants "increasingly" settled "free lands in all corners of the region, occupying both state-owned and private-owned plots" [Vsepoddanneyshy report..., 1895, p.17]. As a result, the demographic burden on the region increased every year: for example, in 1899 there were 98,276 peasants and 529,355 representatives of the mountain population in the entire Terek region. 10 years later, by 1909, in the regions of the North Caucasus, in addition to the local population, there were already more than one million souls of "nonresidents" (called so in the old-fashioned way, although in 1872 this concept was replaced by the definition of "persons of the non-military class" (see: [Ismail-Zade, 1977, p. 338]), waiting for their land arrangement [Kavkaz in 1909..., 1910, p. 43].

Agricultural overpopulation of the region led to the fact that at the beginning of the XX century, the North Caucasus turned from an object of colonization into a region that throws out a significant number of migrants to Siberia and Kazakhstan [Kabuzan, 1996, p.102]. The Government was forced to respond by adopting a number of legislative measures (in 1897, 1899, and 1900).,

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regulating the migration movement to the Caucasus and aimed at the immediate dispersal of migrants from the Caucasus region to its less populated areas (mainly Transcaucasia and Dagestan region), although the opinion on the necessity and desirability of settling the Caucasus "from the point of view of the general interests of the state" remained particularly relevant in the relevant departments (see correspondence between the Minister of Internal Affairs I. L. Goremykin and the Minister of Agriculture and state property of A. S. Ermolov: [Dyakin, 1998, p. 558-562]) and attracted the attention of the emperor himself [ibid., p. 567]. The return to the restrictive nature of the government's migration policy at the turn of the century was reflected in the development of more stringent conditions for resettlement to the Caucasus, defined both by the depletion of the land fund of the Ciscaucasian regions and by the overabundance of undeveloped landless nonresidents in the North Caucasus, mainly in the Kuban region. At the same time, the provisional rules developed in the light of new trends regulating the migration movement to the Caucasus and forming the basis of the Regulation of the Committee of Ministers on the Permission of resettlement to the Stavropol Province and areas of the North Caucasus, approved on April 15, 1899, gave advantages to Russian peasants of exclusively Orthodox confession, who were provided for settlement "all consisting in the withdrawal of state-owned peasants." The suitability of leased land plots should have been determined primarily taking into account the interests of displaced persons and regardless of the land status of "native settlers" [Ismail-Zade, 1997, pp. 332-333].

However, far from all Russians and Orthodox Christians were recognized as" useful colonizers of newly settled areas": additional conditions prescribed by the circular of the commander - in-chief of the civil army in the Caucasus of March 15, 1901-a property qualification (up to approximately 300 rubles) - came into force. for the average peasant family), the experience of previous independent farming ("although on leased land"), as well as a sufficient number of workers [TSGIAG, f. 12, op. 3, d.63, l.41ob. -42].

However, despite the generally low rate of colonization of the Caucasian lands at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries, this process continued: from 1897 to 1916, 427 thousand people settled here. In Ossetia alone, over the same period (1897-1913), the population increased by 76.5 thousand people (38.7%), and the population density increased from 24.7 to 34.3 people/sq.km (Tavasiev, 2014, p. 20). In the archives, there is evidence of the migration sentiments of the peasants of the central Russian provinces (for example, Yekaterinoslav, Smolensk and Voronezh), who were ready to leave their native places for the unknown Caucasian outskirts in such numbers that "the souls remaining in their villages after eviction would be less than the revision ones", or expressed a desire to " leave as part of their entire small society" [TSGIAG, f. 12, op. 3, d. 1, l. 123].

Such sentiments were also encouraged by the local administration, which was interested in the simultaneous withdrawal of as many people as possible from small-scale societies, since according to the new law on resettlement, the allotment plots remaining after them were redistributed among the most needy fellow villagers, and in the case of the whole society's departure, the vacant land areas were cut off to adjacent societies or served as the basis for the formation of special evictions from small-scale nearby villages [ibid., l. 123ob.]. This is how the land issue in Central Russia was resolved in a peculiar way.

The administration of the region was convinced that attention to the needs of immigrants and the assistance of local authorities to "establish them in a certain sequence-so that a whole network of Russian farms separates the continuous mass of non-native settlements-should serve as one of the best means for strengthening Russian culture and citizenship" [Vsepoddanneyshy report..., 1892, p. 27], and the settlement

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peasants from the inner Russian provinces "with large well-maintained villages, with churches, schools, trade and industry, will undoubtedly accelerate the pacification of the region" [Vsepoddanneyshy report..., 1895, p. 17]. At the same time, the Caucasian administration was concerned about the issue of granting land to Russian immigrants, based on the fact that "the resettlement business in the Caucasus is an urgent need of the present time" (cit. according to: [Ismail-Zade, 1977, p. 332]). And even the fact that "in some localities of the Caucasus region, such as in the Stavropol Province and the Kuban region, there are already a considerable number of nonresident landless peasants who are subject to land management "was considered" favorable for the rapid and successful achievement of the above task", obliging the government "not to delay the resolution of the issue of a solid way of life this category of settlers, some of whom are now in the most straitened position" [TSGIAG, f. 12, op. 3, d. 1, l. 1ob.].

Simultaneously with the settlement of the region by "nonresidents", the number of landless peasants grew, accompanied by a decrease in the land allotment per 1 male soul. For example, in Russia in 1892, an average of 5.1 dessiatines of comfortable land and 5.4 dessiatines of inconvenient land per capita were accounted for, while the food norm, for example, for Ossetia, was 11 dessiatines of comfortable land per 1 male soul (Tedtoev, 1952, p.36). In 1906, this share was already 4.5 dessiatines for Ossetians, 4.3 dessiatines for Ingush, 5.1 for Chechens, 17.8 dessiatines for Balkar peasants on average, and 6.2 for Kabardian peasants. Land famine, which affected all residents of the upland strip of the Terek region equally, was especially acute in comparison with the apparent availability of land Cossacks who were initially granted a land share that was higher in comparison with the surrounding population, which was considered as compensation for their life-long military service. For example, the Cossacks, who made up about 20% of the population of the North Caucasus in the first years of the XX century, owned more than half of the arable land, while for 1 male Cossack in the same 1906 there were 16.5 desyatiny udobnoi zemli [Statistical review of the Terek region..., 1915, p. 19]. But in reality, even the Cossacks did not own a sufficient allotment of land that would satisfy the established food standard - 50 dessiatins of comfortable land per 1 male soul (see [Martirosian, 1925, pp. 44-45]). It is for this reason that Cossack villages began to refuse to register nonresidents who were forced to rent land from the village residents or go to them for rent.

In the mountainous zone, landlessness reached even greater proportions: with the existing food norm of 50 dessiatines in Ossetia, for example, per 1 male soul, on average, there were 0.4 dessiatines of arable land, 1.4 dessiatines of mown land, 0.6 dessiatines of forest and 4.1 dessiatines of land for pastures and pastures, i.e. a total of 6.5 dessiatines (!). In Ingushetia and Chechnya, the land deficit was even more acute: there, 5.8 and 5.2 tithes per 1 male soul, respectively. Thus, only 12% of the existing population could live in the mountains due to the lack of suitable land for farming, and the remaining 88% were redundant. On average, at the beginning of the 20th century, 65% of all villages in the Terek region were small-scale [Tedtoev, 1952, pp. 27-28; Martirosian, 1925, pp. 48-49; Trudy komissii..., 1908, pp. 97-100, 166].

Chronic lack of land, along with overpopulation, pushed some of the inhabitants of the mountain strip to flat villages located in more favorable conditions [Tsorieva, 2011, p.136-137], where they settled as temporary residents. In small family groups, they were attributed administratively and police-related to a certain locality - most often to the one where their namesakes or former villagers lived [ibid., p. 137]. And by 1905, as compared to the 1880s of the 19th century, the number of temporary residents in flat villages had almost doubled (Tedtoev, 1952, p.33), despite the policy of curbing the migration aspirations of the local population, which was practiced in the post-reform years.

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It was the land shortage and demographic tension in the mountains that played a decisive role in the emergence of a new social group on the Vladikavkaz plain-temporary residents, whose problem worsened by the end of the XIX-beginning of the XX century. The sources of replenishment of this category of population were different. One of them is connected with the results of the peasant reform, when peasants were assigned to villages after the expiration of their temporary state of obligation without being allocated a land share. Cases of blood feuds that caused entire surnames to change their place of residence are also indicated. There were also some temporary residents who, having succumbed to Muhajir sentiments, left for the Ottoman Empire after the end of the Caucasian War, but did not take root there and wished to return. Having received the appropriate permission, the migrants returned, but without the right to use the former land plot. Not being assigned to a particular society, they did not receive a new land share, which put them in the position of temporary residents. In general, the population of this category grew mainly due to spontaneous unauthorized evictions from mountainous areas to relatively more prosperous lowland villages. But even there, the migrants did not always manage to gain a foothold - rural societies were reluctant to give them permission to move in due to their own insufficient land security. By 1905, as compared to the 1880s, the number of temporary residents in the Terek Region had almost doubled (Tedtoev, 1952, p. 33).

In many ways, the emergence of this category was due to the meeting of two migration flows on the Vladikavkaz plain: one was represented by the local mountain population, for whom resettlement to the plain became a matter of survival, and the other was represented by migrants from Russian provinces. The interests of land management of the latter prevailed over the land problems of the highlanders themselves. Despite the crowding and lack of land suitable for economic use, the local population was deprived of land that was "free" from the point of view of the authorities (i.e., pasture, meadow and forest lands that were not in communal use) in favor of immigrants from the Russian provinces, and turned to the state department in accordance with the opinion of the State Council approved on June 14, 1888 [Proceedings of the Commission..., 1908, p. 38]. Requests of evictees to grant them land plots from so-called state-owned lands for use were also not met, since advantages in this respect were granted to Russian immigrants and only in the absence of such people - to landless mountaineers (see: [CGA RSO-A, f. 168, op. 1, d.1, l. 16, 19]).

Circumstances forced mountain migrants, who did not count on the support of the authorities, to look for means to provide themselves with land in new places and to buy or rent land plots from Kabardian uzdeney in a fold [Tsorieva, 2011, p. 140-142; TsGA RSO-A, f. 11, op. 7, d. 7, l. 5-6ob.]. At the end of the 19th century, Ossetian settlers in Kabarda used up to 38,000 dessiatines, on which more than 30 villages of Digor Ossetians appeared (Tsorieva, 2011, p. 142).

The solution of the problems of colonization of the Caucasian lands was largely associated with the implementation of land reform in the region, which provided highlanders who moved to the plane, land on the basis of an equalized distribution of land plots on the right of communal ownership. The Caucasian governor, Grand Duke Mikhail Nikolaevich, emphasized that in Ossetia " the land distributed among auls is allocated for the communal use of each aul separately, but not for the use of the entire Tagaur society." By the middle of 1866, the distribution of land among 10 villages of flat Tagauria was completed, where the size of the farmstead allotment was 39 dessiatines. The lowland Digor and Alagir villages were assigned about 24 tithes per yard, and "the flat population of the Kurtatinsky society, which includes 1,146 male souls, was assigned to provide 14,520 tithes from the number of lands already occupied by them..."[The most recent report..., 1870, pp. 21-22]. All orders of the governor concerning

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land issues in the lowland part of Ossetia were approved by the Emperor in November 1867.

Of particular importance for the development of land relations in the Terek and Kuban regions was the transfer to the treasury of more than 16212.21 tithes of communal pastures belonging to the participants of the Shamil movement and the uprising of 1877, as a result of which small rural communities in the mountains were forced to rent land not from private owners, but from the state [North Caucasus as part of the Russian Empire..., 2007, p. 218].

During the 1860s, allotment of land to communities was largely completed, after which a slow process of demarcation began, accompanied by mass migrations. The villages of the Terek Cossack army were given the lands of the Karabulak section of the Ingush district, and in the disputes that arose between the mountaineers and the Cossacks, the local administration, represented by the head of the Terek region, M. T. Loris-Melikov, unequivocally stated that " taking land from the Cossacks or from the treasury does not correspond to the political views of the government "[Maksimov, Vertepov, 1894, p. 45] 50,989 dessiatines of mountain pastures confiscated from the Chechens of the district also went to the treasury and were transferred to the use of the local population already on the condition of paying a rent. When dividing into allotments, land was transferred to aul societies at the rate of approximately 33 dessiatines per smoke. Spare lands were provided to auls not taking into account population growth (as was the case with the Cossacks), but for new immigrants [the North Caucasus as part of the Russian Empire..., 2007, pp. 219-220]. Confessional preferences also played a role in the migration policy of the Caucasian administration. Thus, the same M. T. Loris-Melikov in his" Note on the Terek region " emphasized that the eviction of families of the Ossetian nobility to the Kuban region ("depends on the existing lack of land for other residents")

"it has as its main aim to leave a purely Christian population in the Ossetian district, which occupies a very important area for us in the Caucasus, especially since the Aldars, who have hitherto excluded the latter from our direct influence, have only received all the benefits from the mediation they have undertaken not only between us and the Christians of the district, but also between the between the local government and the Muslim population of the entire Chechen population. In carrying out the idea of resettling the Aldars, the remaining ten families of Digor badelyat cannot be harmful to us, and even if it were later found necessary, it would not be difficult to evict them on the conditions provided to the Aldars "[Materials on the History of the Ossetian people, 1942, p. 336].

Speaking in defense of their ownership rights, the mountaineers appealed to the order established in ordinary law, according to which the statute of limitations for land use also ensured the right of ownership, and pointed out the facts of the voluntary entry of individual societies into the empire, which, in their opinion, guaranteed the preservation of the entire complex of land legal relations unchanged.

"Having become more familiar with the work of the commission for the study of the current state of land use and land ownership... and with the land management projects in the Upland zone, "the trustees of the Ingush Metskhal Society wrote to the commission for the study of the current state of land use and land ownership in the Upland zone of the Terek region," we find the works of the commission and its projects inconsistent with reality and in conflict with our interests. The fundamental mistake made by the majority of the commission, which reduces the value of its work to almost zero, is to recognize all the lands that are actually owned by the inhabitants of the Metskhal Society as belonging to the treasury and only for the use of the population... There is no reasonable reason to deny the right of ownership of the population to the lands in their possession before the Ingush tribe joined Russia; the existence of the right of ownership must be assumed until the statement denying it is positively proved. From the moment of joining, the legal title can be changed, and where the property was located, so

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only the right of use can be retained with the transfer of the first one to the State (treasury) of the annexer. It is clear that the rights of the population are determined by the act of annexation; and the best way to resolve the issue is to refer to the supreme Manifesto that proclaimed annexation. ...common sense suggests that if the population usually retains all their civil and property rights even when joining by force of arms, then this should be the case even more so when joining voluntarily. The Ingush were not joined by force of arms, but voluntarily surrendered to the power of Russia " [CGA RSO-A, f. 270, op. 1, d. 22, l. 4-4ob.].

Obviously, both the resettlement policy of the authorities and the results of the land reform carried out in the region could not but cause discontent in the mountain environment, which resulted in long-term conflicts between the administration itself and local peoples, as well as spontaneous but rather acute interethnic clashes (see: [Dzhanaev, 1998; Gatagova, 2002]).

Meanwhile, the grounds for future conflicts were largely laid back in the first half of the XIX century, when not only flat lands that were in the economic circulation of local peoples were allocated for the construction of fortifications of the Caucasian military line and transferred to Cossack settlements, the system of which was formed by the middle of the century, but also mountain villages located in strategically important They were settled, and military posts were established in their place (see: [Chudinov, 1889, pp. 110-111]). Back in the early 1830s, horse regiments formed in Little Russia were settled in Ossetia along the line of the Georgian Military Road [Ponomarev, 1904, p. 20-21], the very presence of which in the region, where only after special punitive operations of General I. N. Abkhazov (see: [Acts..., 1878, VII, pp. 372-373]) a system of police administration was established, which was supposed to serve as a significant deterrent. In addition, if there were Cossack villages here, there was no need for Don Cossack regiments, which were sent to protect the road and were expensive for the treasury. Cossacks - residents of villages were also obliged to provide assistance and provide everything necessary (food, vehicles) to passing teams on the road [Ponomarev, 1904, p. 17].

Moreover, at the same time, in the 1830s, in order to strengthen the line troops at the expense of the Cossack estate, state-owned peasants were transferred to it en masse, which the chief administrator G. V. Rosen argued "the weak and unreliable position of the Caucasian line on the part of mountain predators hostile to us..."[Acts..., 1878, VII, p. 826]. In the early 1840s, military settlements were also transformed into Cossack villages, formed on the basis of the highly approved Regulations on military Settlements in the Caucasus of October 10, 1837 from married soldiers who had served in the Caucasian Army for fifteen or more years (see: [PSZ-II, XII, ed. 1, pp. 770-789]).

In the course of these measures, an active redistribution was carried out in favor of the Cossack villages of some of the lands already occupied by the highlanders who had moved to the plain with government support. For example, 81,184 tithes were allocated from Kabardian and Ossetian lands to strengthen the Cossack villages of the 1st Vladikavkaz Cossack regiment in 1842, and up to a dozen and a half Ossetian villages, where more than a thousand families lived, were supposed to be evicted from the already developed left bank of the Terek River [Berozov, 1980, p.114]. In order to avoid armed actions on the part of local residents, the administration did not risk evicting them at the same time, and this process lasted for more than 20 years.

It is unlikely that such steps of the Caucasian administration pursued the goals of economic development of the local territories, although the military authorities paid attention to the development of agriculture in the villages. The poor provision of the newly settled Cossacks with the necessary tools, livestock, and seed material, along with poor land quality, unfavorable climatic conditions for farming, and most importantly, the loss of agricultural labor skills over many years

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services made Cossack farms not just unprofitable, but unprofitable. But against the background of the military operations waged during the Caucasian War, the interstitial settlement of Cossack villages had to meet the tasks of a purely strategic nature, not so much contributing to the "strengthening of Russian culture and citizenship", but rather ensuring control, first, over communications, and secondly, over the restless population, whose loyalty was difficult to believe to believe, and preventing contact of residents of lowland villages with the population of the upland strip. A solidly organized "Russian element" in the newly acquired and unfriendly suburb was supposed to serve as a reliable social support for state administrative transformations.

Later, in 1861-1880, about 75 Cossack settlements were established in the Kuban Region, 18 new settlements were established in the Stavropol Province in the 1860s, and 15 Cossack villages were established in the Terek Region during approximately the same period [Kabuzan, 1996, pp. 95-96].

However, the lack of a clear colonization program, along with a significant lack of land, hindered the rapid implementation of government plans. Moreover, as a result of the government's resettlement policy, by the beginning of the 20th century, the "land issue" in the region became particularly acute, becoming an independent powerful conflict-causing factor, combined with other factors that caused socio-political tension in the region.

Nevertheless, the cultural and educational potential of Russian immigrants was sufficiently realized. Familiarity with new forms of economic management, familiarization with a new culture of production and consumption, and eventually an expanded geographical habitat due to mass migration to the plains - all this forced the mountaineers to look for opportunities to meet "emerging new needs", thus separating "fact from principle, business from conviction" [Vsepoddannyj report..., 1870, p. 117]. Special" success in the sense of citizenship " was made by Ossetia, "which diligently engaged in farming... and many flat villages of Tagauria and Kurtatia are striking in their well-being and order, " the regional administration emphasized [Vsepoddanneyshaya zapiskaia..., 1890, p. 66]. Already in the 1860s, the head of the Ossetian district, Colonel A. F. Eglau, noted with satisfaction in his report: "In general, it should be said that the Ossetian district is in the most favorable conditions for development; the people are hardworking, submissive, striving to improve their way of life and are beginning to realize the need for education" [CGA RSO-A, f. 12, op. 5, d. 319, l. 33-33ob.].

Speaking about the significance of the migration movement in the Caucasus at the end of the XIX-beginning of the XX century, researchers come to the conclusion that its overall positive consequences were caused by the appearance of a migrant village in the region, which led to a close intertwining of the destinies of the Russian and local peasantry in the economic, socio-economic and political spheres [Ismail-Zade, 1977, p. 335-336]. With the influx of the Russian population, rapid capitalization of the economy of the North Caucasus began, and Cossack colonization "was quickly replaced by a wide flow of immigrants who economically introduced the Ciscaucasia to post-reform capitalist Russia" [ibid., p. 329].

But the social meaning of colonization as one of the components of the policy of "Russification" had another important dimension, which should be mentioned in the context of this problem. Colonization as a special socio-political phenomenon provided the prospect of a "double expansion" of the Russian Empire due to the expansion of the "imperial core" by joining the outskirts not only in the territorial-administrative, but also in the socio-cultural aspect [Gorizontov, 2001, p.130]. The researchers note that colonization is " ultimately an attempt to bring the world in line with the ideal that is inherent in a particular people. Moreover, ideal motives can sometimes prevail over all others - economic, military

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and others" [Lurie, 1994, p. 56]. Despite the fact that Russian immigrants (both Cossacks and ordinary peasants) "were neither convinced agents of the imperial government, nor carriers of the" civilizing "mission, nor missionaries" [Breifogle, 2002, p. 185, 188], they were called to become an important "third force" in the relationship between the authorities and local communities which would give the colonization process an imperial dimension. The ideological background of the colonization tasks was the formation of the "great Russian nation" as a political entity, the idea of which, interpreted by government ideologists as "national", in the post-reform period is formulated in the form of a new government course to create and maintain the "unity and indivisibility" of the Russian Empire with a single political core surrounded by suburbs (see: [Campbell (Vorobyova), 2001]). At first, the spiritual component of the imperial complex, which the colonists carried with them, was Orthodoxy. But over time, it was almost suppressed by the idea of "citizenship", which evolved into a political ideology as a general national idea, which served as a justification for the integrity of the state, its "unity and indivisibility".

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